During a long and distinguished career, Hung Ch'eng-ch'ou (1593-1665) occupied a place of pivotal importance in events attending the collapse of native Ming rule and the founding of the Manchu (Ch'ing) conquest dynasty. His contributions to both regimes as a senior civil and military leader, hitherto virtually unstudied, merits close examination as a barometer of critical developments in that vital transitional era. Following several minor posts in the civil bureaucracy, Hung was sent to northwest China, then suffering from famine and spreading social disorder. There he became involved in anti-rebel campaigns, where his talents in civil and military affairs received due notice, subsequently leading to the command of the vital northeastern frontier district at a time of growing Manchu power. The corrupt, faction-ridden Ming government, unable to provide him with adequate support because of its own ineptitude and inertia, insisted over his objections that he take the offensive. Thus, in a decisive encounter at Sung-shan, Hung's armies were routed and he was captured by the victorious Manchus. Abahai, valuing him as a potential ally, induced him to switch sides, and thereafter Hung served his new master well and faithfully: as a trusted advisor in the early conquest phase, a knowledgeable expert in the forming of a Chinese-style central government, and the senior field commander in the conquest of south China. One of his most significant achievements during these years was the championing of traditional Chinese values. Another was his success in destroying the last vestiges of Ming imperial rule on the continent, in reinstituting the mechanisms of government, and in implementing rehabilitation programs in the conquered territories. And throughout, he enjoyed the consistent backing of his Manchu overlord. Because he served the Manchus, Ming loyalists regarded Hung as a traitor, as did later Confucian-minded Ch'ing emperors in their rewriting of history. A dispassionate examiniation of the historical record reveals, however, that Hung was a shrewd, vigorous, honest, and skillful administrator. Moreover, he was dedicated to the preservation of traditional cultural values and institutions, thus helping speed the process of Manchu sinification.

This thesis explores how late-Ming writers interpreted the expression “beauty is ill-fated” (hongyan boming) and how male and female writers constructed and accepted the image of the ephemeral beauty (hongyan) differently. I argue that late-Ming male literati destigmatized and immortalized hongyan, but their interpretations of hongyan reinforced male fantasies about women, and served the status quo of the patriarchal family structure as well as the established literary conventions of the time. Female writers, conversely, often rejected the image and idea of hongyan and even managed to assert female subjectivity in order to reinterpret the male-constructed hongyan. However, ultimately, female writers of the period could not escape from the containment of these patriarchal literary conventions. Even for those female writers who have preserved their voices in their writings, women’s self-expressions have always been undergoing a seemingly infinite process of reinterpretations and reconstructions by male literati.

馬桂順. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學, 1991. / Reprint of manuscript. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 444-459). / Ma Guishun. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1991. / Chapter 一 --- 「金陵八家」的稱謂問題 --- p.1 / Chapter 二 --- 「金陵八家」的時代背景 --- p.23 / Chapter 三 --- 龔賢： / Chapter (1) --- 龔賢的生平 --- p.39 / Chapter (2) --- 龔賢的繪畫淵源 --- p.63 / Chapter (i) --- 當代畫家的影響 --- p.68 / Chapter (ii) --- 前代畫家的影響　 --- p.118 / Chapter (iii) --- 師心與師自然 --- p.152 / Chapter (iv) --- 總結：龔賢對創作的要求及畫風特點 --- p.182 / Chapter 四 --- 樊圻： / Chapter (1) --- 樊圻的生平 --- p.234 / Chapter (2) --- 樊圻的繪畫淵源 --- p.236 / Chapter 五 --- 吳宏： / Chapter (1) --- 吳宏的生平 --- p.276 / Chapter (2) --- 吳宏的繪畫淵源　 --- p.287 / Chapter 六 --- 高岑： / Chapter (1) --- 高岑的生平 --- p.312 / Chapter (2) --- 高岑的繪畫淵源 --- p.324 / Chapter 七 --- 葉欣： / Chapter (1) --- 葉欣的生平 --- p.347 / Chapter (2) --- 葉欣的繪畫淵源　 --- p.357 / Chapter 八 --- 鄒喆： / Chapter (1) --- 鄒喆的生平 --- p.382 / Chapter (2) --- 鄒喆的繪畫淵源 --- p.388 / Chapter 九 --- 胡慥： / Chapter (1) --- 胡慥的生平 --- p.407 / Chapter (2) --- 胡慥的繪畫淵源 --- p.412 / Chapter 十 --- 謝蓀： / Chapter (1) --- 謝蓀的生平 --- p.424 / Chapter (2) --- 謝蓀的繪畫淵源 --- p.428 / Chapter 十一 --- 結語 --- p.435 / 參考書目 --- p.444

吳秀華. / "2004年8月". / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2004. / 參考文獻 (leaves 116-127). / 附中英文摘要. / "2004 nian 8 yue". / Wu Xiuhua. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2004. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 116-127). / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / 論文提要 --- p.i´ؤiii / 緒論 --- p.1´ؤ13 / Chapter 第一章 --- 滿族形象與意識的建構 --- p.14 一41 / Chapter 第一節 --- 滿族源流 --- p.14-18 / Chapter 第二節 --- 滿族特色及意識的定義 --- p.18´ؤ20 / Chapter 一. --- 何謂滿族特色 --- p.18-19 / Chapter 二. --- 何謂滿族意識 --- p.19一20 / Chapter 第三節 --- 滿族形象 --- p.20´ؤ41 / Chapter 一. --- 髮式、首飾及服飾 --- p.20-23 / Chapter 二. --- 民俗 --- p.23-24 / Chapter 三. --- 語言文字 --- p.24´ؤ25 / Chapter 四. --- 宗教信仰 --- p.25-28 / Chapter 1. --- 祖先崇拜´ؤ´ؤ滿洲“三仙女´ح始祖神話 --- p.25´ؤ26 / Chapter 2. --- 圖騰崇拜´ؤ´ؤ鴉鵲敬奉習俗 --- p.26´ؤ27 / Chapter 3. --- 原始宗教信仰´ؤ´ؤ薩滿教 --- p.27´ؤ28 / Chapter 五. --- 民族性格 --- p.28-30 / Chapter 1. --- 基本含義 --- p.28´ؤ29 / Chapter 2. --- 性格特徵´ؤ´ؤ驍勇¯‘ة武、海納百川 --- p.29´ؤ30 / Chapter 第四節 --- 滿族意識的建構 --- p.30-41 / Chapter 一. --- 八旗制度的形成及特色 --- p.31-32 / Chapter 二. --- 維護滿族意識的政策 --- p.33´ؤ34 / Chapter 第二章 --- 滿族特色®t畫中的體現 --- p.42´ؤ65 / Chapter 第一節 --- 題材內容 --- p.42´ؤ45 / Chapter ´ؤ. --- 一.塞外山川、花鳥走獸 --- p.42-43 / Chapter 二. --- 人物事件、風俗 --- p.43-45 / Chapter 第二節 --- 宗教思想 --- p.45´ؤ54 / Chapter 一. --- 原始宗教 --- p.45´ؤ49 / Chapter 二. --- 儒道釋 --- p.49一54 / Chapter 第三節 --- 滿族元素 --- p.54´ؤ57 / Chapter 一. --- 服飾 --- p.54´ؤ55 / Chapter 二. --- 款識 --- p.55一56 / Chapter 三. --- 民族性格 --- p.56-57 / Chapter 第四節 --- 審美意趣 --- p.58-61 / Chapter 第三章 --- 滿族意識在繪畫中的體現 --- p.66-104 / Chapter 第一節 --- 畫家身分 --- p.67-68 / Chapter 一. --- 旗人 --- p.68-75 / Chapter 1. --- 滿洲八旗 --- p.68-73 / Chapter 2. --- 蒙古八旗 --- p.73´ؤ74 / Chapter 3. --- 漢軍八旗 --- p.74-75 / Chapter 二. --- 非旗人 --- p.76 / Chapter 1. --- 宮廷畫師 --- p.76´ؤ78 / Chapter 2. --- 詞臣畫家 --- p.78´ؤ80 / Chapter 第二節 --- 紀實畫 --- p.80´ؤ88 / Chapter 一. --- 記事 --- p.81 / Chapter 1. --- 出巡迴鑾 --- p.81-82 / Chapter 2. --- 戰爭 --- p.82´ؤ83 / Chapter 3. --- 祭祀 --- p.83 / Chapter 4. --- 筵宴 --- p.83´ؤ84 / Chapter 5. --- 典禮 --- p.84 / Chapter 6. --- 其他 --- p.84 / Chapter 二. --- 記人 --- p.84 / Chapter 1. --- 御容畫 --- p.85 / Chapter 2. --- 皇子公主像 --- p.85 / Chapter 3. --- 后妃像 --- p.85´ؤ87 / Chapter 4. --- 文武功臣像 --- p.87 / Chapter 5. --- 太監內官像 --- p.87 / Chapter 第三節 --- 繪畫功能 --- p.89´ؤ95 / Chapter 一. --- 歌功頌德 --- p.89-90 / Chapter 二. --- 教化 --- p.91一94 / Chapter 三. --- 裝飾宮廷或自娛 --- p.94 / Chapter 四. --- 保存 --- p.94-95 / 結語 --- p.105´ؤ107 / 附錄 附錄一清代宮廷繪畫的相關展覽及著作一覽表 --- p.108´ؤ111 / 附錄二滿族源流表 --- p.112 / 附錄三西方學者在滿族史硏究上不同觀點和硏究成果簡表 --- p.113-115 / 參考書目 --- p.116´ؤ127 / 圖版目錄 --- p.128´ؤ133 / 圖版 --- p.1´ؤ104 / 緒論圖版 / 第一章圖版 / 第二章圖版 / 第三章圖版 / 第四章圖版 / 結語圖版

As a genre, the huaben話本 short story reassured readers of a Heaven who punished and rewarded human actions with perfect accuracy. Yet in the years before the Ming明 (1368-1644) collapse, the genre grew increasingly dark. Aina Jushi wrote Doupeng xianhua豆棚閒話, or Idle Talk under the Bean Arbor (c. 1668), only a few years after the Manchus solidified their rule. The only full-frame story in pre-modern Chinese literature, the text is also notable for the directness with which it confronts societal and cosmological questions arising from the fall of the Ming dynasty. It was also the last significant huaben before the genre faded into obsolescence. My dissertation asks three questions. Why was this the last major collection of the genre? How do the form and the content work together? And what does Aina contribute to the Qing cosmological questioning through a genre obsessed with an ordered cosmos? I argue that the text deserves further study because of the beautiful complexity of its narrative structure and voices and its direct confrontation of the fall of the Ming. I also argue that Aina questions if there really is a moral Heaven that rewards and punishes human action and if there is any greater significance to virtuous action. His doubts about the presence of a moral Heaven increase as the text progresses but he is unwilling to completely discard Confucian relational ethics. This is shown by his loosening of the requirements of the huaben structure. The narratives become more incoherent and the content generally grows darker. By the final narrative, Aina drops the huaben form and presents an apathetic cosmos directly to the primary diegetic audience. The resulting cognitive dissonance causes the bean arbor to collapse and the audience to disperse. Aina offers us no moral certitude or clear didacticism.

手稿本 / 論文(碩士)--香港中文大學,1972. / 參考文獻: p. 234 - 242 / 馬珍波. / Chapter 第一章 --- 琵琶記作者高明 / Chapter 第一節 --- 生平 / Chapter 第二節 --- 著述 / Chapter 第三節 --- 琵琶記作者與高明 / Chapter 第二章 --- 琵琶記劇本背景 / Chapter 第一節 --- 題材背景 / Chapter 第二節 --- 編劇手法 / Chapter 第三章 --- 琵琶記特色 / Chapter 第一節 --- 結構 / Chapter 第二節 --- 文辭 / Chapter 第四章 --- 結論

The Ming maritime prohibition policy (1371-1568) reversed the maritime policies of the preceeding Tang, Song and Yuan dynasties. It was maintained for two centuries at considerable costs, but in 1568 was eventually abolished. There has not yet been a satisfactory analysis of this policy, which addresses the issues of why it was introduced, why it was maintained for so long, and why, eventually, it was overturned. This thesis takes a new approach to understanding these issues. Instead of focusing solely on external factors, such as the need for defence against Japanese piracy, it focuses on the internal situation of Ming society, and instead of focusing on the policy as an epiphenomenon it considers the social foundation for Ming foreign trade policy. In this thesis, the maritime policy is treated as a product of the social, economic and political configurations of Ming China. It argues that the establishment of the policy, its maintenance and abolition reflect two different socio-economic structures, hence two different political bases. The suppression of commerce during the early Ming reflected the interests of the political elite that came to power with the establishment of the new dynasty. The abolition of the maritime prohibition reflected the way the commercialisation of the socio-economic landscape brought a new political élite to power, in which many more officials with merchant-family backgrounds participated in the policymaking process. Commercialisation drove the social re-configuration and reshaped the political landscape, and this resulted in the late Ming years in an overturn of many of the policies that had been introduced at the beginning of the dynasty. Such a structural approach allows us to gain a richer understanding of the maritime prohibition policy.

回民先世自入華以來，長期與周遭漢人相處，不但沒有融入於主體民族內，亦沒有消失在歷史洪流中，相反地，由於回民具有種種特質，而使人口數量逐漸擴張，此種特質的傳播與延續，主要靠教育。回民的教育，可粗分為世俗教育與宗教教育。世俗教育指大環境的主要思潮，一般是指儒學；而宗教教育則指傳授伊斯蘭知識，一般乃指經堂教育。 在回民儒化甚深之明中葉，部份回民學者有感於後繼乏人，且經文匱乏，甚至信眾不明教義，唯恐教民在主觀的認同依據上有所鬆懈，而為客觀的大環境所同化，故欲振興伊斯蘭，而有經堂教育的產生。經堂教育主要起源於傳統伊斯蘭世界的麥德萊賽教育內涵，兼融中國傳統私墊教育形式，由明中耆老胡登洲所興起且盛行於清。在中國境內以陜西、山東、雲南為發展重鎮，因學風之不同而陸續有陜西學派、山東學派以及雲南學派的產生。此外，運行二百餘年的經堂教育所衍生出來的產物，以及對回民內部所造成的作用與影響，再再顯示經堂教育除具有傳授知識的教育功能外；尚有回民自我認同與風俗習慣養成的內聚功能；教義傳播與教派統一的宗教功能；以及促進伊斯蘭學術發展的文化功能。 然對回民而言，雖在人口及宗教上處於弱勢，但由於本身具有強烈的認同伊斯蘭取向，以及在文化調適上採取融合、融入的因應之道，使其信眾及信仰足以繁衍及傳播。因此回民免於同化於大環境中的種種特性，均可直接反應在經堂教育中，然透過經堂教育所發揮的社會文化功能，乃更加鞏因了回民既有的特質。

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Yale University, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references.

Chinese feudal women have long been identified as victims of the Chinese Confucian patriarchy and discussed in terms of notions of backwardness, dependency, female passivity, biological inferiority, intellectual inability, and social absence. This image of the victimized women, however, is a product of China’s modernization and Westernization processes since late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century. Its formation is inseparable from the appropriation of the colonialist categories of sex binarism by the May Fourth male “new intellectuals.” This binary, linear gender ideology, together with the social context of Confucianism’s long-term status as the official, orthodox ideology in premodern China, easily led to the conceptualization of women in terms of absence, marginalization, and ultimately victimization. In this process, Chinese women became Woman, the other of Man, which constitutes a monolithic, ahistorical entity that masks specificities and variations in different historical periods and concrete cultural contexts, and obscures the dynamics of gender relationships. Kunqu (Kun opera) and the literati culture of late Ming (1573-1644) and early Qing Dynasty (1644~1722) surrounding it could be of particular use to demonstrate the problem of this binary and static conceptualization of gender in premodern China. In this study, I will be examining the case of two distinguished kunqu, Mudan ting (The Peony Pavilion) and Taohua shan (The Peach Blossom Fan), whose text, music, and performance raise interesting questions about femininity and masculinity in the specific social and cultural context of the time. Through this study, I want to help illuminate the inadequacy of the modernist, rigid sex binarism in understanding traditional Chinese gender ideology which cannot be reduced to the Western sexual physiology and biology, and to refute the ahistorical construction of the victimized Chinese Woman. / text