Thesis (M.A. (Biokinetics))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2010.

This thesis aims to analyze the similarities and differences in how identity is constructed by the European Commission, the Council of Ministers and the European Parliament regarding the Polish membership and the potential Turkish membership of the European Union. The construction of identity is analyzed through a social constructivist perspective where identity is constructed by distinguishing ”us” from ”them”. The research metod used is a qualitative text analysis. The arguments of identity are taken from the Commission’s and the Council’s documents, as well as from the debates of the European Parliament. The arguments of identity refer to the official accession criterias of the European Union, as well as to inofficial criterias formulated by the members of the European Parliament. Arguments used are for example that Polish and Turkish standards are not the same as the European standard, that the European norms need to be integrated into the Polish and Turkish constitutions and that Poland and Turkey are too poor to become members of the European Union. The result also shows that the construction of a European identity built on a common culture has had the greatest impact in the European Parliament and the European Commission.

Thesis (M. A.)--University of Canterbury, 2006. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 133-145). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Submitted by Caroline Falcao (caroline.rfalcao@ufpe.br) on 2017-05-08T18:55:42Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação Cletiane Medeiros Araújo.pdf: 817504 bytes, checksum: 9e547ad8c99e10e02475f50d56ce9e0a (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-08T18:55:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação Cletiane Medeiros Araújo.pdf: 817504 bytes, checksum: 9e547ad8c99e10e02475f50d56ce9e0a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Em que medida os escândalos de corrupção impactam na probabilidade de responsabilização dos agentes públicos denunciados? Mobilizando a literatura sobre accountability democrática e relação Executivo-Legislativo, este estudo tem como objetivo analisar quais são os determinantes para a onda de demissão de parte dos ministros do Governo Dilma Roussef ao longo dos dezessetes primeiros meses de mandato. Para isto, foram selecionadas 677 notícias de três jornais de larga circulação nacional, a saber: Folha de S.Paulo; O Estado de S. Paulo; e O Globo. Este trabalho argumenta que a maior intensidade de notícias sobre denúncias de corrupção envolvendo ministros do governo impacta positivamente na probabilidade da saída do agente público da pasta ministerial, destacando assim o papel da mídia no processo de prestação de contas. Quanto às questões que enfocam o processo de negociação de decisões pelos agentes dos Poderes Executivo-Legislativo argumenta-se que o maior número de cadeiras na Câmara dos Deputados pertencentes ao partido do ministro denunciado impacta positivamente na probabilidade de sua saída, caracterizando o comportamento de puxar o tapete em meio a um ambiente de recursos limitados e horizonte temporal curto. Por fim, o fato de o ministro denunciado ser de um partido ideologicamente distante em relação ao partido do presidente lhe confere maior instabilidade no cargo, em outros termos, haveria uma menor tolerância por parte da chefia do Executivo para com os ministros denunciados em escândalos de corrupção quando estes forem membros de partidos mais distantes ideologicamente em relação ao PT. / To what extent corruption scandals impacting the likelihood of accountability of public officials denounced? Mobilizing the literature on democratic accountability and Executive-Legislative relations, this study aims to examine what are the determinants for the wave of resignation from the ministers of the government Dilma Rousseff over the seventeen first months in office. For this, we selected 677 reports of three newspapers of wide national circulation, namely: Folha de S. Paulo, Estado de S. Paulo and O Globo. This paper argues that the greater intensity of news about corruption allegations involving government ministers have a positive impact on the probability of exit from the public official ministerial portfolio, thus underscoring the role of media in the process of accountability. The questions that focus on the process of negotiation of decisions by agents of the Executive-Legislative argued that the largest number of seats in the House of Representatives belonging to the party of the minister denounced a positive impact on the probability of its output, characterizing the behavior of pulling carpet amid an environment of limited resources and short time horizon. Finally, the fact that the minister denounced be a party ideologically distant relative to the president's party gives greater instability in the job, in other words, there would be less tolerance by the chief of Executive to the ministers reported on scandals corruption when they are members of parties more ideologically distant relative to PT.

En dépit de la place importante qu’elles occupent dans les sociétés contemporaines, les activités physiques et sportives continuent d’occuper une place secondaire sur l’agenda politique. Pourtant, dès le début du 20e siècle, des militants ouvriers ont commencé à développer une approche particulière du sport. Après avoir rappelé quelques éléments de l’histoire de ce « sport ouvrier », et en particulier les contradictions qui le traversent, nous nous intéressons surtout ici à la manière dont ses héritiers après la Seconde guerre mondiale ont tenté d’ériger le sport en enjeu politique de première importance en France. Ce « milieu communiste du sport », site d’interactions particulier qui dépasse les frontières des organisations s’articule cependant autour d’un certain nombre de carrefours. La commission sport nationale du PCF institutionnalisée en 1959 est de ceux-là. Appuyée sur l’analyse d’archives, d’entretiens et d’une participation observante de plusieurs années au sein de ce collectif, cette enquête propose ainsi d’étudier le statut, le fonctionnement et le recrutement d’un tel groupe de travail thématique. Il s’agit en d’autres termes de chercher à comprendre ce que militer pour la cause du sport veut dire, comment certains en viennent à s’engager pour cet objet relativement illégitime dans le champ politique pour saisir enfin quel type de doctrine ils produisent. Une deuxième partie est consacrée aux appropriations elles-mêmes de cette doctrine ailleurs dans le parti, en s’intéressant aux politiques sportives de deux municipalités de la « banlieue rouge » puis à celle menée au gouvernement lorsque le portefeuille des Sports échoit pour la première fois à une communiste, consécration en trompe-l’oeil du travail de la commission. / In spite of the major attention they benefit from in contemporary societies, sport and physical activities remain a secondary matter in the political agenda. Yet, since the beginning of the 20th Century, working class activists began developing a peculiar approach of sport. After recapping a few elements on this “working class sport” and specifically its contradictions, we will focus on how its heirs have tried to make sport a first-matter subject in France after World War II. This “communist sport world” goes beyond organizations’ borders but is nevertheless made of several crossroads. Created in 1959, the French Communist Party sport commission is one of them. This inquiry is based upon various archival sources, direct interviews and above all an ethnographic immersion during several years. It aims at studying the status of such a work group in a political party or a Trade union, how it works and who are its members. In other words, it is trying to understand what it means to advocate for sport while being a communist activist and what kind of doctrine they produce given who they are and where they stand from in social space. The second part focuses on how other members of the Party appropriate themselves this doctrine by analyzing the sports policies developed in two historically communist cities and then finally the consequences of having a communist minister of Sports for the first time in the very end of the 20th Century.

[This dissertation is] helpful because it does not only talks about abuse, which is a problem and trauma, it also brings a solution which is a healing for abusive ministers, the choice is left with abusive ministers, to remain in their abuse or go away with abuse and become good The purpose of this thesis is to research about the abuse of power by certain ministers in the congregations to the women members of the congregation, to the session, board of management, and by taking the money of the congregation without their concern. The dissertation is not only highlight the above abuse, it also highlight the abuse of the entire congregation through coming late of the minister to the church services, This thesis is written in order to help ministers in the churches who are abusing their power to revisit their calling by God. It also helps those who are not abusing their powers not to fall in the same trap of abuse as their colleagues do. Something written down is not easy to forget, because you can read as many times as you want in order to understand what it says. Life is not easy for ministers, life contains troubles, temptations, death, and diseases hence it is important to ask wisdom from God the source of spiritual power and love. This thesis will be very much pastors in the ministry. The bible version that will be used through out this thesis will be quoted from the new international version (NIV) This thesis also reveals tribalism as being used for wrong motives namely for supporting abuse of power by certain ministers who come from the same village, same tribe, same language and same culture. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2009. / Practical Theology / unrestricted

The thesis deals with the participation of ministers in the Council of the European Union. The first goal is to explore the participation as such, i.e. how often the ministers attend the Council meetings and what differences there are among the member states and the Council configurations. Secondly, the thesis seeks to reveal factors at the institutional (European), national and governmental level which have an impact on the participation. From the theoretical point of view, the thesis is framed by the rational choice approach. In terms of methodology, a quantitative analysis based on extensive dataset for the period 2009 - 2015 and logistic regression have been employed. The thesis concludes that the ministers attend the Council meetings quite often - the average for the period was 64%. Regarding the individual factors, it is argued that the ministers representing the presidency country attend the sessions more often. Similarly, the participation is higher if there are many points on the agenda or if the minister represents a pro-European government. On the contrary, the probability of the participation is lower if the ministers face upcoming legislative elections at home. The analysis also shows that the public attitude towards the EU is irrelevant in this case. The results are, finally,...

The question this paper attempts to answer is: “Does God base his blessings to church members solely on giving”. The research investigated prosperity gospel from a missiological perspective, a gospel that promises material wealth, health and happiness to faithful Christians who sow “faithful seed to the ministers”. A Collection of literatures relating to the subject matter coupled with citations from interviewees was reviewed and analysed, in making judgment in answering the research question. To accomplish the objective of the study the biblical foundation of giving and prosperity were examined, the background, history and synonymous features to prosperity gospel were evaluated, coupled with the views of respondents. A comparison was made, and a conclusion was reached, based on the findings. Thus, grounded on the result obtained from the research the researcher attempts to establish that though God blesses humanity for obeying his command to give, it does not mean that giving is his prerequisite of blessing humankind. The claim that God wants everyone to be rich contradicts the Bible. For no one can instruct God on who to bless and curse, therefore the claim that man of Rhema can decree blessing on humankind per our giving power is unbiblical. / Dissertation (MA Theol)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / gm2014 / Science of Religion and Missiology / unrestricted

Magister Legum - LLM / The East African Commu1nity (EAC) was re-established on 30 November 1999 by the Republics of Kenya and Uganda and the United Republic of Tanzania1 signing the Treaty for the Establishment of the East African Community (the Treaty). The Treaty came into force on 7 July 2000.2 The Republics of Burundi and Rwanda acceded to the Treaty on 18 June 2007 and became full members of the EAC with effect from 1 July 2007.3 The EAC was formed with the major aim of widening and deepening co-operation among the Partner States in political, economic, social and cultural fields4 that would lead to equitable economic development in the region.

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