The Christian History was a pro-revivalist magazine printed in Boston from 1743-1745 during what is known as the Great Awakening. It contained accounts of revivalism written by pro-revivalist ministers from throughout the American colonies, England and Scotland. These ministers believed that the Holy Spirit was being poured out upon the land in a shower of grace, causing unprecedented numbers of people to convert to Christ. In The Christian History, pro-revivalist ministers expressed their support for the revivals and shared their experiences. Thus the magazine has typically been viewed as religious propaganda advocating a single, polemical viewpoint. However, in spite of its pro-revival stance, The Christian History contains a spectrum of ideas pertaining to theology, religious history and the controversial issues that surfaced during the Awakening. For instance, although revival supporters sought to defend the Awakening as an authentic outpouring of God's grace, they did not all agree on how to handle the revivals. When it came to the "errors of doctrine" and "disorders of practice" that surfaced during the Awakening -- things like Antinomianism, bodily manifestations and itinerancy -- Christian History ministers responded differently. Though they sought to form a more uniform policy regarding these issues and others in a pro-revival ministerial meeting, in the end their opinions and reactions were shaped by their personal experiences with the revivals. In spite of their differing views regarding errors and disorders, Christian History ministers evaluated and contextualized the revivals similarly. In their revival narratives they frequently drew upon the Bible to explain and support their pro-revival stance. Some also used historical precedents as tropes for demonstrating that aspects of revivalism were perhaps unusual, but not thoroughly new. Most, however, sought to legitimize the revivals by describing their positive social qualities. For example, they wrote how tavern-going and neighborly contentions decreased, whereas occasions for religious worship multiplied. These "good fruits" of revivalism, asserted Christian History contributors, showed that the Awakening had changed the "face" of society for the better and was therefore an authentic outpouring of God's grace.

Ministers have a very unique occupation with designated job demands and incongruous resources at their disposal. Over the past few years numerous studies have been undertaken different occupations’ regarding job demands and job resources. In contrast, limited studies were done among ministers of religion, particularly in the context of the three Reformed sister churches in South Africa. This is the case even though these ministers play such a key role in the current social and religious sphere. Results from previous studies have shown that job demands and the lack of resources have a major impact on the experience of work-nonwork interference among individuals (Koekemoer & Mostert, 2006; Mostert, 2009, Mostert & Oosthuizen, 2006; Tshabalala, 2007; Van Aarde & Mostert, 2008).This trend, however, has not been researched amongst ministers before – particularly how ministers cope with this interference. The overall objective of the present study was to investigate job demands and job resources as significant predictors of work-nonwork interference for ministers of the three sister churches. The focus also was on coping strategies that are significant in dealing with work-nonwork interference. The possible moderation brought about by these coping strategies was also investigated. Various hypotheses related to the overall objective were tested in the empirical study. The design used for this study was a cross-sectional survey design undertaken among ministers of the three sister churches mentioned. Various job demands, job resources, worknonwork interference and coping strategies were measured. This was done by employing the instruments of Peeters, Montgomery, Bakker and Schaufeli, (2005); Buys and Rothmann (2009); Koekemoer, Mostert and Rothman, 2010; Geurts et al. (2005) and Carver, Scheier and Weintraub (1989). Construct validity of all the instruments were proven with the CFA (Confirmatory Factor Analysis) in the SPSS program. Descriptive statistics, cronbach alpha coefficients, Pearson and Spearman product-moment correlations and multiple regression analyses were used to analyse the data. Moderation regression analyses were also done to test for possible moderation of specific coping strategies. Results indicated that cognitive demands were related to the dimension of work-parent interference. Emotional demands and pace and amount of work had a relation with all the various dimensions of the work-nonwork interference. Congregational support related work-home interference as well as work-religion/spirituality interference. Financial support, lack of autonomy, as well as social support, related to all three dimensions of work-nonwork interference. Job significance related work-religion/spirituality interference, whereas job accomplishment predicted work-home interference and work-religion/spirituality interference. The results of the predictors on work-parent interference included the following: cognitive demands, pace and amount of work, financial support and turning-to-religion. Work-home interference was predicted by the variables pace and amount of work and financial support. Work-religion/spirituality interference were predicted by pace and amount of work, job significance and turning to religion. The various coping strategies (turning-to-religion, seeking-emotional-support, active coping, acceptance coping, planning and avoidance coping) functioned as moderators between certain specific job demands, job resources and dimensions of work-nonwork interference. Limitations of the study were discussed and recommendations were put forward for future studies on this topic. / MCom (Industrial Psychology), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Ministers have a very unique occupation with designated job demands and incongruous resources at their disposal. Over the past few years numerous studies have been undertaken different occupations’ regarding job demands and job resources. In contrast, limited studies were done among ministers of religion, particularly in the context of the three Reformed sister churches in South Africa. This is the case even though these ministers play such a key role in the current social and religious sphere. Results from previous studies have shown that job demands and the lack of resources have a major impact on the experience of work-nonwork interference among individuals (Koekemoer & Mostert, 2006; Mostert, 2009, Mostert & Oosthuizen, 2006; Tshabalala, 2007; Van Aarde & Mostert, 2008).This trend, however, has not been researched amongst ministers before – particularly how ministers cope with this interference. The overall objective of the present study was to investigate job demands and job resources as significant predictors of work-nonwork interference for ministers of the three sister churches. The focus also was on coping strategies that are significant in dealing with work-nonwork interference. The possible moderation brought about by these coping strategies was also investigated. Various hypotheses related to the overall objective were tested in the empirical study. The design used for this study was a cross-sectional survey design undertaken among ministers of the three sister churches mentioned. Various job demands, job resources, worknonwork interference and coping strategies were measured. This was done by employing the instruments of Peeters, Montgomery, Bakker and Schaufeli, (2005); Buys and Rothmann (2009); Koekemoer, Mostert and Rothman, 2010; Geurts et al. (2005) and Carver, Scheier and Weintraub (1989). Construct validity of all the instruments were proven with the CFA (Confirmatory Factor Analysis) in the SPSS program. Descriptive statistics, cronbach alpha coefficients, Pearson and Spearman product-moment correlations and multiple regression analyses were used to analyse the data. Moderation regression analyses were also done to test for possible moderation of specific coping strategies. Results indicated that cognitive demands were related to the dimension of work-parent interference. Emotional demands and pace and amount of work had a relation with all the various dimensions of the work-nonwork interference. Congregational support related work-home interference as well as work-religion/spirituality interference. Financial support, lack of autonomy, as well as social support, related to all three dimensions of work-nonwork interference. Job significance related work-religion/spirituality interference, whereas job accomplishment predicted work-home interference and work-religion/spirituality interference. The results of the predictors on work-parent interference included the following: cognitive demands, pace and amount of work, financial support and turning-to-religion. Work-home interference was predicted by the variables pace and amount of work and financial support. Work-religion/spirituality interference were predicted by pace and amount of work, job significance and turning to religion. The various coping strategies (turning-to-religion, seeking-emotional-support, active coping, acceptance coping, planning and avoidance coping) functioned as moderators between certain specific job demands, job resources and dimensions of work-nonwork interference. Limitations of the study were discussed and recommendations were put forward for future studies on this topic. / MCom (Industrial Psychology), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

In 1977 the Annual Conference of the Methodist Church of South Africa (MCSA) decided to discontinue its practice of sending messages of goodwill to the Heads of State of the Southern African region (including Transkei). The Prime Minister ofTranskei interpreted this resolution as implying the non-recognition ofTranskeian political independence, obtained from the Republic of South Africa in 1976, and expressed his intention to ban the MCSA in Transkei and replace it by the Methodist Church of Transkei (MCT) The thesis presents, in narrative form (Chapter 2), a detailed description of the process of the schism ( 12 January 1978 to 2 June 1978). Chapter 3 analyses the political and ecclesial context of the schism comprehensively by examining three main issues: the Methodist tradition in the Eastern Cape and Transkei, the Methodist tradition of pledging loyalty to the Head of State and the emergence of Transkei as a geo-political state. Chapter 4 focuses on the reaction of the Transkeian Methodists to the dispute between the Transkeian Government and the MCSA. The loyalties which influenced their reaction are identified and analysed. In this study the whole process of the schism is seen as an interplay between and clash of different loyalties. Chapter 5 reviews the different models and typologies used to explain and interpret the African Independent/Initiated Church movement. The aim is to identify the elements in these models which are relevant for an understanding of this schism. Chapter 6 concludes the study by considering five areas of missiological importance highlighted by the 1978 Methodist schism in Transkei, namely: ( 1) the research questions, (2) mission and unity, (3) mission and ethnic issues, (4) prophetic mission, and (5) prophetic ambivalence. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D.Th. (Missiology)

Scholars assert that the Cold War began at one of several different points. Material recently available at the National Archives yields a view different from those already presented. From these records, and material from the Foreign Relations Series, Parliamentary Debates, and United States Government documents, a new picture emerges. This study focuses on the British occupation of Germany and on the Council of Foreign Ministers' Moscow Conference of 1947. The failure of this conference preceded the adoption of the Marshall Plan and a stronger Western policy toward the Soviet Union. Thus, the Moscow Conference emphasized the disintegrating relations between East and West which resulted in the Cold War.

Les médias font-ils les décisions publiques ? Cette conception d’un pouvoir du journalisme sur les politiques publiques est répandue parmi les « décideurs ». Elle est aussi présupposée par les théories de l’agenda et de la construction sociale des problèmes. La réalité du phénomène est cependant plus complexe : ce pouvoir n’est ni uniforme ni unidirectionnel. Il repose sur la contribution active et variable des agents politiques et administratifs qui produisent ces décisions. La question s’en trouve alors reformulée : dans quelle mesure la production des décisions publiques peut-elle se faire en fonction du champ journalistique ? Pour y répondre, la thèse propose une sociologie des logiques spécifiques de prise en compte de la médiatisation dans les activités décisionnelles au sein des champs politique (dans les cabinets ministériels et au Parlement) et administratif (dans les administrations centrales des ministères). L’élaboration de ce cadre théorique, au croisement de la sociologie du journalisme et de celle de l’action publique, s’appuie sur l’analyse de la gestion politico-administrative de la maladie de la « vache folle » en France dans les années 1990. Il s’agit de restituer l’importance que les responsables de l’exécutif (en particulier les ministres de l’Agriculture, de la Consommation, de la Santé, mais aussi le Premier ministre et le président de la République), les parlementaires et les hauts fonctionnaires ont pu accorder aux enjeux médiatiques jusque dans leurs pratiques décisionnelles. Il apparaît ainsi que les décisions les plus « médiatiques » sont le produit de la prise en charge des dossiers les plus emblématiques selon les logiques d’action des agents les plus dépendants des enjeux de légitimation dans le champ journalistique : les principaux ministres et leurs conseillers / Are public policies made by the media? This would-be influence of journalists over public decisions is common place among “decision-makers”. It is also assumed by Agenda-setting as well as social problems theorists. Yet, the real nature of the phenomenon is more complex: it follows different paths along several directions. It rests on the active and variable engagement of the politicians and high civil servants who produce decisions. Thus, the question needs to be rephrased: to what extent does the production of public decisions depend on the journalistic field? In order to elucidate this question, this doctoral thesis offers a sociological analysis of the specific logics which lead decision-makers (i.e. ministers’ personal staff, and representatives aswell as high civil servants,) to pay attention to media coverage in decision-making processes. The elaboration of this theoretical framework, at the crossroads of the sociologies of journalism and public action, is based on ananalysis of the handling of the mad cow disease by French officials during the 1990s. The ambition is to account for the very attention the holders of the executive power (namely, the Ministers of Agriculture, Consumption,Health, but also the Prime Minister and the President), the members of Parliament and high civil servants paid to media-related challenges within the practice of decision-making. Thus, it appears that the most “media dependent”decisions are the result of the handling of the most symbolic issues according to the logics of action of the most dependent agents on legitimization stakes in the journalistic field: the principal ministers and their advisers

La quêtede l’honneurpeut paraitre désuète de nos jours en Occident mais cela n’est pas forcément le cas si l’on poussait plus loin les analyses. Elle caractérise depuislongtemps les relations entre les décideurs indiens et les dirigeants de la région Asie du Sud. Les relations avec les belligérants sri lankais n’en font pas exception. L’honneur et la gloire sont souvent le produit d’un éthos guerrier et d’une démonstration de virilité de la part des dirigeants politiques et non pas uniquement des militaires.La virilité n’est donc pas biologique mais est un construit politique et social. Les heurts ont été nombreux quant à la résolution du conflit sri lankais.Les décisions, attitudes et actions prises par les Indiens ont été façonnées par les interactions avec leurs interlocuteurs sri lankais et par des éléments extrêmement importants que nous qualifions d’« événements catalyseurs».Après le départ de l’IPKF et l’assassinat de Rajiv Gandhi, les dirigeants indiens ont adopté une autre attitude et des discours plus apaisés vis-à-vis des dirigeants sri lankais tout en refusant de reconnaitre les « Tigres tamouls » (LTTE), une guérilla tamoule au Sri Lanka. La reconnaissance de la part des dirigeants indiens vis-à-vis des décideurs sri lankais a par ailleurs permis la résolution du conflit sri lankais par des moyens militaires. Vingt ans auparavant, cela aurait été totalement inconcevable pour les dirigeants indiens de laisser ainsi faire les décideurs sri lankais. La reconnaissance de part et d’autre a donc pu permettre d’améliorer les relations interpersonnelles et interétatiques indiennes et sri lankaises. / Today, the quest for honor can seemoutdated in Western countries. But for a long timeit has characterizedthe relationships between the Indian decision-makers and the South Asian leaders. Relationships with Sri Lankan protagonists are also shaped by this question of honor but also of glory. Just as the military, political leaders are also influenced by honor and glory which are often produced by a warrior ethos So they want to show their manliness. Virility is not biological but a political and social construct. Throughout the resolution of the Indian-Sri Lankan conflict, numerous clashes took place between between their respective leaders. Decisions, attitudes and actions taken by the Indians have been shaped by their interactions with their Sri Lankan counterparts. And this evolution has also been possible because of “catalyst events”. After the IPKF’s withdrawal and Rajiv Gandhi’s murder,Indian decision-makers refused to recognize the“Tamil Tigers” guerilla (Liberation Tamil Tigers of Eelam, in Sri Lanka. But the Indian Political leaders’ recognition of the Sri Lankan rulersopened the way to a conflict resolution with military means. Twenty-years ago it would have been completely impossible for the Indians to allow the Sri Lankans to have their way.Recognition on both parts have largely improved the Indian and the Sri Lankan interpersonal and interstate relationships.

A tese tem por objeto a articulação político-institucional de mecanismos de controle dos atos ministeriais - os pedidos de informações e solicitações de esclarecimentos e a responsabilidade penal com efeitos políticos dos ministros e secretários de Estado -, durante a Primeira Legislatura (1826-1829), com o objetivo de consolidar o sistema de governo monárquico hereditário constitucional representativo proclamado pela Carta de 1824, de modo a estabelecer limites às amplas atribuições conferidas pelo texto constitucional ao imperador, e tornar seu papel possível e viável, tendo em vista as aspirações dos diversos segmentos econômico-sociais das províncias representados na Assembleia Geral Legislativa. A partir da reflexão sobre a relação existente entre constituição e responsabilidade, na teoria política e nas experiências legislativo-constitucionais inglesa, norte-americana, francesa e portuguesa, de modo a possibilitar a compreensão do significado do conceito de responsabilidade na década de 1820, debruça-se sobre a estratégia articulada pelos membros do Corpo Legislativo, em especial os deputados da oposição, para atingir seus objetivos e as conquistas político-institucionais obtidas no decorrer das quatro primeiras sessões anuais legislativas. Com a presente tese, pretende-se contribuir para a compreensão da forma como estabeleceu na prática político-institucional o diálogo entre os membros dos Poderes Legislativo, Executivo e Moderador, o qual teve no conceito de responsabilidade um de seus principais componentes. / This thesis aims to analyse the political articulation of measures of control over the ministers\' decisions - parliamentary proceedings to obtain informations about ministerials\' decisions, and to promote ministers\' accountability - during the First Legislature (1826-1829) with the aim to consolidate the representative constitutional hereditary monarchy system proclaimed by the Charter of 1824, in order to establish limits to the royal prerrogatives established by the constitutional text and to construct a possible and feasible role to the emperor, in view aspirations of the various economic and social sectors of the provinces represented in the General Assembly. From the reflection on the relationship between constitution and accountability in political theory and in the legal and constitutional experiments made in England, in North America, in France and in Portugal to enable the understanding of the meaning of the concept of responsive and accountable government in the 1820s, this thesis shows how the Chambers\' members - especially the opposition\'s members - had achieved their purposes, as well the political and institutional achievements had accomplished during the four first legislative annual sessions. With this thesis is intended to contribute to the understanding about how has established, in the political and institutional practice, a dialogue between the members of the Legislative, Executive and Moderator Powers to which the concept of responsive and accountable government had a central role.

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A tese tem por objeto a articulação político-institucional de mecanismos de controle dos atos ministeriais - os pedidos de informações e solicitações de esclarecimentos e a responsabilidade penal com efeitos políticos dos ministros e secretários de Estado -, durante a Primeira Legislatura (1826-1829), com o objetivo de consolidar o sistema de governo monárquico hereditário constitucional representativo proclamado pela Carta de 1824, de modo a estabelecer limites às amplas atribuições conferidas pelo texto constitucional ao imperador, e tornar seu papel possível e viável, tendo em vista as aspirações dos diversos segmentos econômico-sociais das províncias representados na Assembleia Geral Legislativa. A partir da reflexão sobre a relação existente entre constituição e responsabilidade, na teoria política e nas experiências legislativo-constitucionais inglesa, norte-americana, francesa e portuguesa, de modo a possibilitar a compreensão do significado do conceito de responsabilidade na década de 1820, debruça-se sobre a estratégia articulada pelos membros do Corpo Legislativo, em especial os deputados da oposição, para atingir seus objetivos e as conquistas político-institucionais obtidas no decorrer das quatro primeiras sessões anuais legislativas. Com a presente tese, pretende-se contribuir para a compreensão da forma como estabeleceu na prática político-institucional o diálogo entre os membros dos Poderes Legislativo, Executivo e Moderador, o qual teve no conceito de responsabilidade um de seus principais componentes. / This thesis aims to analyse the political articulation of measures of control over the ministers\' decisions - parliamentary proceedings to obtain informations about ministerials\' decisions, and to promote ministers\' accountability - during the First Legislature (1826-1829) with the aim to consolidate the representative constitutional hereditary monarchy system proclaimed by the Charter of 1824, in order to establish limits to the royal prerrogatives established by the constitutional text and to construct a possible and feasible role to the emperor, in view aspirations of the various economic and social sectors of the provinces represented in the General Assembly. From the reflection on the relationship between constitution and accountability in political theory and in the legal and constitutional experiments made in England, in North America, in France and in Portugal to enable the understanding of the meaning of the concept of responsive and accountable government in the 1820s, this thesis shows how the Chambers\' members - especially the opposition\'s members - had achieved their purposes, as well the political and institutional achievements had accomplished during the four first legislative annual sessions. With this thesis is intended to contribute to the understanding about how has established, in the political and institutional practice, a dialogue between the members of the Legislative, Executive and Moderator Powers to which the concept of responsive and accountable government had a central role.