After years of intense negotiations between member states of the East African Community (EAC) and the European Union, an interim Economic Partnership Agreement was finally initialled on the 27 November 2007. This interim agreement is intended to be an instrument for development by furthering poverty reduction, sustainable development, regional integration and integration of EAC countries into the world economy. However provisions contained in the interim agreement have raised legitimate concerns as to their ability to address these development issues. The African ministers of trade identified nine contentious provisions which are regarded as both legally and developmentally problematic. One of these issues is the most favoured nation (MFN) clause under which parties are required to extend to each other any better or more favourable treatment granted to other countries, which are either developed countries or major trading economies. The urgency behind the negotiation of Economic partnership agreements between the EU and the African Caribbean and Pacific Countries (within which category fall the EAC member states) was the requirement for a WTO compliant legal regime to govern the relationship between both parties. Previous trade regimes were challenged by other WTO members for being discriminatory. However provisions in the interim agreement such as the contentious MFN clause are more than what is required for WTO compatible regional trade agreements. The inclusion of the MFN clause poses major challenges to the trade and development needs of the EAC countries especially the least developed among them. This dissertation will attempt to critically analyze the potential implications of the MFN clause to the East African countries particularly Uganda as one of the least developed member states in the region. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Centre for Human Rights / unrestricted

The issues of climate change continue to haunt planet earth as well as the human race. As humans we are aware of the problem, but are not yet ready to make the sacrifices needed for a conversion. There are several solutions for different environmental issues, where each and one of us humans share a responsibility to make a difference. Everyone on planet earth will be affected and will be left with shared or differentiated experiances. Women have shown to be more impacted by the consequences of climate change, and because of their experience they might be more fit for climate leadership. The aim of the survey is to determine whether the gender of the environmental minister is an explanatory variable for national environmental policy ambition. This is made through a quantitative research design, first in a bivariate regression and then a multiple regression. The multiple regression included variables consisting of economic growth, carbon dioxide emissions, proportion of women in parliament and corruption. The results from the bivariate regression showed a positive relation between female environmental ministers and environmental policy ambition. The results from the multiple regression presents that there are indicators of a positive relation between the environmental minister's gender and environmental ambition. However the variables that showed to have the most impact on environmental ambition is economic growth and corruption. The results of this paper contribute to a field of political science which has not been studied before and therefore might make a difference for future environmental politics.

The aim of the diploma thesis "Alfred Fuchs (1892 - 1941)" is to describe the life and work of Alfred Fuchs. This excellent journalist, writer and translator has been unjustly neglected for a long time even though all he belonged to the important personalities of the Czech culture and political scene. He devoted a great deal of his work to the Christian theology, morality, diplomacy, culture, policy and current social issues. Regarded as an outstanding member of the Czech Jewish movement he was also a promoter of the idea of assimilation presented at his lecturers. As a journalist contributing to dozens of newspapers, he also wrote more than twenty books in his life. For example, Česká kultura, Rozvoj, Lidové listy, Lidové noviny or Přítomnost. Well-known for his entrefilets published as DRAF in the newspaper Tribuna, he was also in charge of editing Pondělník Českého slova and Prager Abendblatt. In 1921, Alfred Fuchs made a big step in his life and converted to catholicism. Considered to be an acclaimed expert on religious issues he became an important mediator between the Church and society. Since 1921 he had worked at the Press Department of the Presidium of the Council of Ministers, until 1939, when he was persecuted for racial reasons. Due to his Jewish origin he was martyred at the...

Este trabalho estuda a implantação da responsabilidade dos empregados públicos no Brasil entre 1826, início da primeira legislatura do parlamento brasileiro, e 1832, data da sanção do Código de Processo Criminal de Primeira Instância. O estabelecimento da responsabilidade foi escolhido para ser o primeiro debate do parlamento brasileiro. Isso se deu, conforme buscamos demonstrar, pela importância dada ao instituto como parte do estabelecimento de uma ordem constitucional, mas principalmente por ser um mecanismo que permitia realizar um ajuste na distribuição de poderes realizada pela Carta de 1824, já que responsabilizar os empregados públicos, especialmente os ministros, era um meio eficiente diminuir os poderes do coroa, ampliando os do parlamento. Buscamos mostrar que, dentro do processo de construção desse instituto, duas questões merecem destaque. A primeira é a responsabilidade dos ministros, que tinha um caráter especial por ser um pilar constitutivo fundamental das monarquias constitucionais. O segundo era a responsabilização dos magistrados, movimento que correspondia a um forte reclamo por diminuir as prerrogativas interpretativas dos juízes. A tese aborda de maneira detalhada, através dos debates parlamentares, os três momentos de construção da responsabilidade, a discussão e aprovação da Lei de Responsabilidade dos Ministros e Conselheiros de Estado, entre 1826 e 1827; do Supremo Tribunal de Justiça do Império, entre 1827 e 1828; e a construção dos códigos criminal e de processo criminal, entre 1826 e 1832. / This thesis studies the implementation of public employees accountability in Brazil between the beginning of the Brazilian parliament, in 1826, and the sanction of the Criminal Procedure Code of First Instance, in 1832. The establishment of the accountability has been chosen as the first debate of the Brazilian parliament. This happened, as we seek to demonstrate, due to the importance given to the institute as part of the establishment of a constitutional order, but mainly because it was a mechanism that allowed an adjustment in the distribution of powers already foreseen by the Charter of 1824 since the accountability of public servants, especially ministers, was an efficient way to diminish the powers of the crown, thus expanding the powers of parliament. We seek to show that, in the process of construction of this institute, two issues deserve attention. The first is the liability of ministers, a fundamental constitutive pillar of constitutional monarchies. The second was the accountability of judges, which diminished the interpretive prerogatives of judges. This thesis discusses in detail, through parliamentary debates, the three stages of construction of the accountability. The discussion and approval of the Law of Responsibility for Ministers and Counselors of State, between 1826 and 1827; for the Supreme Court of Justice of the Empire, between 1827 and 1828; and the making of the criminal code, between 1826 and 1832.

Magister Legum - LLM

Submitted by Cristiane Oliveira (cristiane.oliveira@fgv.br) on 2011-06-13T16:59:45Z No. of bitstreams: 1 63090100011.pdf: 326336 bytes, checksum: e16625c1bc6712ca23cf6df51a8d1c64 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Vera Lúcia Mourão(vera.mourao@fgv.br) on 2011-06-13T17:02:18Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 63090100011.pdf: 326336 bytes, checksum: e16625c1bc6712ca23cf6df51a8d1c64 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Vera Lúcia Mourão(vera.mourao@fgv.br) on 2011-06-13T17:04:27Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 63090100011.pdf: 326336 bytes, checksum: e16625c1bc6712ca23cf6df51a8d1c64 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-06-13T17:51:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 63090100011.pdf: 326336 bytes, checksum: e16625c1bc6712ca23cf6df51a8d1c64 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-04-29 / Este trabalho busca analisar a existência de viés de gênero no Tribunal Superior do Trabalho Brasileiro (TST) através da análise dos impactos da composição de gênero das Turmas julgadoras e do sexo do Ministro Relator nos resultados dos processos usando uma base de dados única, composta por todos os processos julgados pelo TST entre Agosto de 2008 e Junho de 2009. Nós exploramos o fato dos processos serem distribuídos aleatoriamente entre os juízes desde o momento em que o processo se inicia. Os resultados indicam que de maneira geral os Ministros(as) são não-viesados em relação ao gênero, apesar de que quando controlamos para o tipo de processo encontramos que para algumas causas tais como 'equiparação', 'enquadramento e vínculos' e 'outras causas', Ministras tendem a favorecer as mulheres e os Ministros tendem a favorecer os homens. Adicionalmente, encontramos que este padrão de comportamento se mantém quando medimos pela proporção de cada gênero dentro das Turmas julgadoras. Encontramos evidências também de que Ministros(as) tendem a favorecer o trabalhador ao invés do empregador, mas não podemos afirmar que isto é viés em relação ao trabalhador uma vez que pode ser decorrente da forma como as Leis Trabalhistas Brasileiras forma construídas, para defender a parte hiposuficiente. / This paper tries to analyze the existence of gender bias in the Tribunal Superior do Trabalho Brasileiro (TST) through the analyses of the impact of jury gender composition as well as the Minister’s sex on trial outcomes using a unique dataset of all processes judged by the Brazilian Tribunal Superior do Trabalho (TST) between August 2008 and June 2009. We exploit the fact that the process are randomly assigned between the judges since the first moment the process is field. The results point that in a general way the Ministers are unbiased toward gender, although when we control for the type of the processes we find that for causes such as “equal pay and rights”, “framework and links” and “other causes”, female Ministers tend to favor female parts whilst male Ministers tend to favor male parts. Additionally, we find that this pattern happens in accordance to the proportion of each gender in the jury composition. We also find evidence that Ministers tend to favor the employee instead of the employer, though we cannot be affirmative that this is bias toward the employee once it might be strictly due to the way the Brazilian Law is built, to defend the workers.

Resume The dissertation thesis The Life and Times of Jozef Lenart deals with life and political influence of a Communist politician Jozef Lenart. The work begins with Lenart's childhood in the Slovak countryside and his maturing in the service of Bata concern where Lenart was trained. From depiction of Lenart participation in Slovak uprising author goes to the main topic of the thesis. It is almost 45 years political activity of Lenart in various party's and state functions. During such a long career Jozef Lenart became among others, the prime minister of the Czechoslovakian government and a member of the leading management of the Communist party. Author in direct contradiction to the concept of totalitarianism and widely shared ideas about a party leadership as a monolithic opinion power centres approached political influence of Jozef Lenart as a description of mutual interactions within the dictatorial regime. Author also defined Lenart's political attitudes and affiliation with interest and opinion groups and assessed how successfully Lenart managed to assert his views.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2018-05-02T20:47:09Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Nayara de Lima Monteiro.pdf: 96774882 bytes, checksum: e1bb4a39acefa01050e3f4aedaaf5461 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-02T20:47:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Nayara de Lima Monteiro.pdf: 96774882 bytes, checksum: e1bb4a39acefa01050e3f4aedaaf5461 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-07-10 / CAPES / The research in question has as its general theme the construction of mainstreaming a gender perspective in Mercosur from the action of three actors inside the Meeting of Ministers and High Authorities Woman of Mercosur (RMAAM): national mechanisms for the promotion of gender, the movement of women / feminist and international cooperation. For the success of such construction, throughout history of Mercosur, this happens to be also interpreted as an instrument of political and social integration between their companies and as an independent form of international position. Moreover, the transformations on the world stage for the performance of the feminist movement/women by guaranteeing their rights, the consequences of the Fourth UN World Conference on Women in 1995, the creation of institutional bodies which deal with the themes of woman and Gender influenced, in 1998, the created of Mercosur Specialized Meeting of Women (REM) with the intention to discuss the "equal opportunities" in Mercosur. In 2011, the legal and political status of Meeting of Ministers and High Authorities is achieved by connecting the meeting directly to the Common Market Council, conductor organ of block. Thus, this research aims to present the state of the art on the construction of gender mainstreaming in Mercosur, whose specific objectives are: a) analyzing the importance of the women's movement/feminist internationally and Latin American rights to conquer and transform patriarchal culture to another cultural landmark gender equity; b) presenting the relevance of the inclusion of gender in areas such as Mercosur, to visualize how the "high politics" is not yet open to participation of feminist/women; c) evaluate the relationships of power and domination that bare in mind the political transformation of this integration, when gender equality is to be mainstreamed put in their design and substance. To justify this work, weigh up the scope of the political practice of the women's movement/feminist in the Latin American scene, particularly, and their influence on the mainstreaming of a gender perspective in Mercosur. This research also aims to collaborate with transnational studies and with the inclusion of new actors in international relations and aims to contribute to desmarginalize the area of study of International Relations, that Gender and Feminism research in order to make visible their own epistemology and methodology, showing the relevance of their demands and analysis. That revealed, there will be a tour of the theoretical discussions of international relations to understand the link of internationalist feminist approaches to this field of study. The sense of the international category of feminism will be examined and how Mercosur fits into this scenario. The confluence of International Relations will also be considered with the movements of women/feminist in international scenarios and hispanic, in view of universality secondary category given to females, according to Ortner (1974). Soon after, the state of the art of mainstreaming a gender perspective by RMAAM and the main points of this forum agenda will be presented, from the conformation of this meeting through the advocacy of women's movement/feminist, international cooperation and exchange of experiences between national delegations that are part of the forum. Finally, the challenges and achievements of mainstreaming, from two phenomena that stood out during the study will be analyzed: international cooperation and the participation of women's movements/feminists, since they have a direct connection with the strengthening of RMAAM. As background, the power relations that influence positively and negatively in ranges or not the objectives of the forum will be visualized, it cames to the conclusion that there are already clear advances in the construction of gender mainstreaming and the complexity of actors and political settings involved in that case, the path is still long to achieve a culture of gender equality from the MERCOSUR level work performed. The analysis was done through literature review, desk research, the minutes and documents RMAAM provided on his official page on the web that show how was your constitution and general overview of your activity on the block. In addition, semi-structured interviews with representatives of social organizations that are within the RMAAM and representatives of national gender mechanisms that coordinate the meeting. The scripts were structured questions were asked not to stifle the response of the interviewees in order to increase familiarity the researcher with the social actors who directly participate in research object and proposed to modify/clarify concepts to support the synthesis result of this research. However, to achieve these objectives, we used the feminist epistemology, with the empirical research is concerned in visualizing what is unseen. / A pesquisa em questão tem como tema geral a construção da transversalização da perspectiva de gênero no Mercosul a partir da atuação de três atores dentro da Reunião de Ministras e Altas Autoridades da Mulher do Mercosul (RMAAM): os mecanismos nacionais de promoção de gênero, o movimento de mulheres/feminista e os entes da cooperação internacional. Para o êxito de tal construção, ao longo da história do Mercosul, este passa a ser interpretado também como um instrumento de integração político-social entre as suas sociedades e como uma forma independente de inserção no cenário internacional. Além disso, as transformações no cenário mundial relativas à atuação do movimento feminista/de mulheres pela garantia dos seus direitos, as consequências da IV Conferência Mundial da ONU sobre a Mulher em 1995, como a criação de institucionalidades que tratam sobre os temas de Mulher e Gênero, influenciaram para que, em 1998, fosse criada a Reunião Especializada da Mulher do Mercosul (REM) no intuito de debater as “igualdades de oportunidades” no Mercosul. Em 2011, o status jurídico-político de Reunião de Ministras e Altas Autoridades é alcançado conectando a reunião diretamente ao Conselho Mercado Comum, órgão condutor do bloco. Assim, esta pesquisa objetiva apresentar o estado da arte sobre a construção da transversalidade do gênero no Mercosul, cujos objetivos específicos são: a) analisar a importância do movimento de mulheres/feminista a nível internacional e latino-americano na conquista de direitos e transformação da cultural patriarcal para outro marco cultural de equidade de gênero; b) apresentar a relevância da inclusão do gênero em âmbitos como o Mercosul, para visibilizar como a “alta política” ainda não é aberta à participação feminista/de mulheres; c) avaliar as relações de poder e dominação que travam a transformação política desta integração, quando a equidade de gênero é posta para ser transversalizada no seu desenho e substância. Para justificar este trabalho, ponderam-se os alcances da prática política do movimento de mulheres/feminista no cenário latino-americano, particularmente, e a sua influência para a transversalização da perspectiva de gênero no Mercosul. Esta pesquisa também visa colaborar com os estudos transnacionais sobre a inserção dos novos atores nas Relações Internacionais e pretende contribuir com desmarginalizar a área de estudos das Relações Internacionais que pesquisa Gênero e Feminismo, no intuito de visibilizá-la, a partir de suas epistemologia e metodologia próprias, mostrando a relevância das suas demandas e análises. Posto isto, será feito um percurso pelos debates teóricos das Relações Internacionais para compreender o elo internacionalista das abordagens feministas deste campo de estudo. Será analisado o sentido da categoria internacional dos feminismos e como o Mercosul insere-se nesse cenário. Será considerada, também, a confluência das Relações Internacionais com os movimentos de mulheres/feminista nos cenários internacional e latino-americano, tendo em vista a universalidade de categoria secundária dada ao gênero feminino, segundo Ortner (1974). Logo após, será apresentado o estado da arte da transversalização da perspectiva de gênero pela RMAAM e os principais pontos da agenda deste foro, a partir da conformação dessa reunião por meio da incidência política do movimento de mulheres/feminista, da cooperação internacional e o intercâmbio de experiências entre as delegações nacionais que fazem parte do foro. Por fim, serão analisados os desafios e as conquistas da transversalização, a partir de dois fenômenos que se destacaram no transcorrer da pesquisa: a cooperação internacional e a participação dos movimentos de mulheres/feministas, pois apresentam uma conexão direta com o fortalecimento da RMAAM. Como plano de fundo, serão visibilizadas as relações de poder que influenciam positiva e negativamente nos alcances ou não dos objetivos do foro, chegando-se à conclusão de que já existem avanços nítidos na construção da transversalização e que pela complexidade de atores e cenários políticos envolvidos nesse processo, o caminho ainda é longo para lograr uma cultura de equidade de gênero a partir do trabalho desempenhado a nível Mercosul. A análise foi feita através de revisão bibliográfica, pesquisa documental, pelas atas e documentos da RMAAM, disponibilizados na sua página oficial na web, que mostram como se deu a sua constituição e o panorama geral da sua atividade no bloco. Além disso, foram realizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas com representantes das organizações sociais que estão dentro da RMAAM e com representantes dos mecanismos de gênero nacionais que coordenam a reunião. Os roteiros de perguntas foram estruturados para não engessar a resposta das entrevistadas com o propósito de aumentar a familiaridade da pesquisadora com os atores sociais que participam diretamente do objeto de pesquisa proposto e modificar/clarificar conceitos para fundamentar a síntese decorrente deste trabalho. Ainda assim, para conseguir tais objetivos, foi usada a epistemologia feminista que, junto à pesquisa empírica, ocupa-se em visibilizar o que é invisível.

Este trabalho estuda a implantação da responsabilidade dos empregados públicos no Brasil entre 1826, início da primeira legislatura do parlamento brasileiro, e 1832, data da sanção do Código de Processo Criminal de Primeira Instância. O estabelecimento da responsabilidade foi escolhido para ser o primeiro debate do parlamento brasileiro. Isso se deu, conforme buscamos demonstrar, pela importância dada ao instituto como parte do estabelecimento de uma ordem constitucional, mas principalmente por ser um mecanismo que permitia realizar um ajuste na distribuição de poderes realizada pela Carta de 1824, já que responsabilizar os empregados públicos, especialmente os ministros, era um meio eficiente diminuir os poderes do coroa, ampliando os do parlamento. Buscamos mostrar que, dentro do processo de construção desse instituto, duas questões merecem destaque. A primeira é a responsabilidade dos ministros, que tinha um caráter especial por ser um pilar constitutivo fundamental das monarquias constitucionais. O segundo era a responsabilização dos magistrados, movimento que correspondia a um forte reclamo por diminuir as prerrogativas interpretativas dos juízes. A tese aborda de maneira detalhada, através dos debates parlamentares, os três momentos de construção da responsabilidade, a discussão e aprovação da Lei de Responsabilidade dos Ministros e Conselheiros de Estado, entre 1826 e 1827; do Supremo Tribunal de Justiça do Império, entre 1827 e 1828; e a construção dos códigos criminal e de processo criminal, entre 1826 e 1832. / This thesis studies the implementation of public employees accountability in Brazil between the beginning of the Brazilian parliament, in 1826, and the sanction of the Criminal Procedure Code of First Instance, in 1832. The establishment of the accountability has been chosen as the first debate of the Brazilian parliament. This happened, as we seek to demonstrate, due to the importance given to the institute as part of the establishment of a constitutional order, but mainly because it was a mechanism that allowed an adjustment in the distribution of powers already foreseen by the Charter of 1824 since the accountability of public servants, especially ministers, was an efficient way to diminish the powers of the crown, thus expanding the powers of parliament. We seek to show that, in the process of construction of this institute, two issues deserve attention. The first is the liability of ministers, a fundamental constitutive pillar of constitutional monarchies. The second was the accountability of judges, which diminished the interpretive prerogatives of judges. This thesis discusses in detail, through parliamentary debates, the three stages of construction of the accountability. The discussion and approval of the Law of Responsibility for Ministers and Counselors of State, between 1826 and 1827; for the Supreme Court of Justice of the Empire, between 1827 and 1828; and the making of the criminal code, between 1826 and 1832.

This dissertation is an attempt to analyse and investigate ways of responding to the poor UPCSA missional approach to Zimbabwean society. The desire to write this dissertation was born out of the experience of working for the past six years as an ordained minister of this denomination in the Presbytery of Zimbabwe, there are six congregations with the right to call a minister, thirty grant receiving and fifteen preaching stations in the whole country which is serviced by thirteen ministers, including probationers. The UPCSA has a total of four thousand five hundred and ninety seven members not counting Sunday school children. The dissertation seeks to survey the history of how the people in the Presbytery of Zimbabwe came to be some of fewer memberships as compared to other denominations in the country. It will focus on colonial and post –colonial events, which led to evangelizing the nation. The spiritual weakness which the people of Presbytery of Zimbabwe (POZ) experience is a product of the evangelism mode of missional approach to society and the failure to contextualize the Good-News. This dissertation considers the possibility of how to correct this state of affairs. Spiritually weak people have been destroyed precisely because they have reduced them to products. How to understand the context and achieve that change is the central issue which the writer addresses in this dissertation. / Dissertation (MA Theol)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / gm2014 / Church History and Church Policy / unrestricted