Submitted by Arnaldo Junior Mauerberg (arnaldomauerberg@hotmail.com) on 2016-03-28T18:31:34Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Arnaldo_Mauerberg_Jr_PhD_Dissertation.pdf: 3097182 bytes, checksum: 8dfb6d23fd77950858f8311fe545b5c7 (MD5) / Rejected by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br), reason: Boa tarde Arnaldo Para que possamos aprovar seu trabalho é necessário alguns ajustes conforme norma ABNT/APA. * O nome da escola dever aparecer apenas assim : FUNDAÇÃO GETULIO VARGAS ESCOLA DE ADMINISTRAÇÃO DE EMPRESAS DE SÃO PAULO Não tem : CURSO DE DOUTORADO EM ADMINISTRAÇÃO PÚBLICA E GOVERNO Nas duas paginais iniciais deve conter apenas : SÃO PAULO 2016 Qualquer duvida estamos a disposição. Att. Pâmela Tonsa on 2016-03-28T18:37:15Z (GMT) / Submitted by Arnaldo Junior Mauerberg (arnaldomauerberg@hotmail.com) on 2016-03-28T19:03:40Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Arnaldo_Mauerberg_Jr_PhD_Dissertation.pdf: 3093972 bytes, checksum: 0d752fdee443ffa4e955f4105c14cc0e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2016-03-28T19:23:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Arnaldo_Mauerberg_Jr_PhD_Dissertation.pdf: 3093972 bytes, checksum: 0d752fdee443ffa4e955f4105c14cc0e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-28T19:53:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Arnaldo_Mauerberg_Jr_PhD_Dissertation.pdf: 3093972 bytes, checksum: 0d752fdee443ffa4e955f4105c14cc0e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-02-22 / This doctoral dissertation provides a detailed analysis of the Brazilian cabinet according to the concepts of a multiparty presidential system. Appointing politicians as ministers is one of the most important coalition-building tools and has been widely used by minority presidents. This dissertation will therefore analyze the high-level Brazilian national bureaucracy between 1995 and 2014. It argues that the ministries – or departments – are not equal, and that allied parties therefore take into account the different characteristics of a ministry when demanding positions as a patronage strategy or for use as other kinds of political assets. After reviewing the literature on the theme, followed by a comparative analysis of the Brazilian, Chilean, Mexican, and Guatemalan cabinets, all the Brazilian ministries will be weighed and ranked on a scale that is able to measure their political importance and attractiveness. This rank takes into account variables such as the budgetary power, the ability to spend money according the ministers’ will, the ability to hire new employees, the ministries’ influence over other governmental agents such as companies, agencies, and so on, the ministers’ tenure in office. Finally, a proxy is provided that seeks to identify the normative power a department may hold. All of these characteristics will then be taken into account in considering the representatives’ opinion, thus helping to ascertain whether the cabinet appointment has been coalescent among the several parties that belong to the president’s coalition. / Esta tese de doutorado busca analisar os ministérios brasileiros de maneira detalhada e dentro do escopo do presidencialismo multipartidário. A concessão de cargos de ministros para partidos da base aliada é uma – senão a mais - importante ferramenta utilizada por presidentes minoritários para construir sua colizão de governo. Sendo assim, pretendemos analisar a burocracia do primeiro escalão do poder executivo federal no Brasil entre os anos de 1995 e 2014. Supomos que os ministérios não são iguais entre si, e que os partidos da base aliada levam em conta diferentes características que estes ministérios possuem na hora de realizar suas demandas por patronagem ou por demais tipos de ativos políticos que possam receber. Após uma revisão de literatura sobre o tema e uma análise comparada do gabinete brasileiro com os do Chile, do México e da Guatemala, os ministérios serão classificados em um ranking de importância política que levará em conta sua capacidade orçamentária, sua capacidade de gasto discricionário, seu quadro de funcionários, e, dentro deste último a habilidade que certo ministro têm para indicar afilhados políticos seus para posições dentro do governo, o poder de influência que este ministério possui sobre outros órgãos do governo como agências e empresas estatais, a duração total de tempo que um titular permanece em uma dada pasta e, por fim, o poder de normatizar certos setores econômicos. As características serão ponderadas levando-se em consideração a opinião de deputados federais chaves no processo político nacional e uma vez criado, o ranking nos auxiliará a avaliar se a distribuição de pastas têm sido proporcional para os diversos partidos integrantes da base aliada do governo.

The overall purpose of this study is to gain knowledge about dialogues in the setting of the preschool. The more in-depth purpose is to highlight what happens in dialogues between a teacher and a child when more children join the situation of interaction in which the dialogue is taking place. A further purpose is to attempt to understand what it is that influences change in the dialogue and what significance the actions of the teacher can have for this change. The study is based on several questions that concern interaction in preschools, who it is that initiates an increase in the number of participants in those situations that involve dialogue, and what happens with the dialogue when more children join and what causes the change in the dialogue. The study is based on video observations from a preschool; approximately 10 teachers and 50 children between the ages of one and six took part in the study. The situations that were observed and documented in video format were everyday activities (both indoor and outdoor) that were led at a nominal level by teachers. In total, 40 films were recorded. Film length was between one and 60 minutes. In 32 of the films, there was interaction between a teacher and several children, and 18 of these included dialogues between a teacher and several children. Dialogue is here given a specific significance and refers to the interaction that can be described in terms of presence, listening, reciprocity, and extending. This definition of dialogue derives from a combination of Martin Buber’s philosophy of dialogue and aspects of interaction that earlier research found to be significant for children’s learning. In two of the 18 films that showed dialogue, no other children became part of the situation of interaction; the remaining 16 films were transcribed; and both verbal and non-verbal events were made apparent in the transcriptions. Analyses of the recorded material and of the transcriptions were conducted using analytical terms borrowed from conversation analysis as well as the central term for this study dialogue.  The results demonstrate a complex practice and also demonstrate that dialogues in the sense given in this study take place between children and teachers. Situations of interaction also occur where dialogues take place in which a number of children join. It can be the child joining the situation of interaction who takes the initiative to an increased number of participants; however, it can also be the teacher or the child in the dialogue. The initial address can take place during a moment of transition in the interaction or at the same time as another participant is talking. The dialogue often changes when more children join the situation where the dialogue is taking place. The dialogue can end completely or be interrupted and resume. The results further demonstrate that the dialogue can continue without seemingly being affected by the fact that more children join. This happens when the child joining and the teacher in the dialogue interact in a non-verbal manner at the same time as the teacher is talking with the child in the dialogue. The dialogue can also be continued with more participants. Who takes the initiative, how the initial address occurs, and which content is given focus by the different participants are all factors that seem to affect what happens to the dialogue. How the teacher acts when more children join also appears to be significant in terms of what happens with the dialogue when more children join. In those situations where the teacher begins talking with a number of children about different subjects, the interaction ceases to be dialogic. When the teacher asks the joining child to wait, the dialogue is both interrupted and resumed, and on those occasions when the dialogue continues with more participants, the teacher listens to the joining child and the participants take turns speaking. / <p>Licentiatuppsatsen har författats inom forskarskolan "Utforskande lärprocesser och literacy: förskolebarns lärande i språk, matematik och naturvetenskap" som genomförts i samarbete mellan Stockholms universitet, Uppsala universitet, Umeå universitet och Högskolan i Dalarna.</p>

La mutualisation et l'externalisation de données concernent de nombreux domaines y compris celui de la santé. Au-delà de la réduction des coûts de maintenance, l'intérêt est d'améliorer la prise en charge des patients par le déploiement d'outils d'aide au diagnostic fondés sur la réutilisation des données. Dans un tel environnement, la sécurité des données (confidentialité, intégrité et traçabilité) est un enjeu majeur. C'est dans ce contexte que s'inscrivent ces travaux de thèse. Ils concernent en particulier la sécurisation des techniques de recherche d'images par le contenu (CBIR) et de « machine learning » qui sont au c'ur des systèmes d'aide au diagnostic. Ces techniques permettent de trouver des images semblables à une image requête non encore interprétée. L'objectif est de définir des approches capables d'exploiter des données externalisées et sécurisées, et de permettre à un « cloud » de fournir une aide au diagnostic. Plusieurs mécanismes permettent le traitement de données chiffrées, mais la plupart sont dépendants d'interactions entre différentes entités (l'utilisateur, le cloud voire un tiers de confiance) et doivent être combinés judicieusement de manière à ne pas laisser fuir d'information lors d'un traitement.Au cours de ces trois années de thèse, nous nous sommes dans un premier temps intéressés à la sécurisation à l'aide du chiffrement homomorphe, d'un système de CBIR externalisé sous la contrainte d'aucune interaction entre le fournisseur de service et l'utilisateur. Dans un second temps, nous avons développé une approche de « Machine Learning » sécurisée fondée sur le perceptron multicouches, dont la phase d'apprentissage peut être externalisée de manière sûre, l'enjeu étant d'assurer la convergence de cette dernière. L'ensemble des données et des paramètres du modèle sont chiffrés. Du fait que ces systèmes d'aides doivent exploiter des informations issues de plusieurs sources, chacune externalisant ses données chiffrées sous sa propre clef, nous nous sommes intéressés au problème du partage de données chiffrées. Un problème traité par les schémas de « Proxy Re-Encryption » (PRE). Dans ce contexte, nous avons proposé le premier schéma PRE qui permet à la fois le partage et le traitement des données chiffrées. Nous avons également travaillé sur un schéma de tatouage de données chiffrées pour tracer et vérifier l'intégrité des données dans cet environnement partagé. Le message tatoué dans le chiffré est accessible que l'image soit ou non chiffrée et offre plusieurs services de sécurité fondés sur le tatouage. / Cloud computing has emerged as a successful paradigm allowing individuals and companies to store and process large amounts of data without a need to purchase and maintain their own networks and computer systems. In healthcare for example, different initiatives aim at sharing medical images and Personal Health Records (PHR) in between health professionals or hospitals with the help of the cloud. In such an environment, data security (confidentiality, integrity and traceability) is a major issue. In this context that these thesis works, it concerns in particular the securing of Content Based Image Retrieval (CBIR) techniques and machine learning (ML) which are at the heart of diagnostic decision support systems. These techniques make it possible to find similar images to an image not yet interpreted. The goal is to define approaches that can exploit secure externalized data and enable a cloud to provide a diagnostic support. Several mechanisms allow the processing of encrypted data, but most are dependent on interactions between different entities (the user, the cloud or a trusted third party) and must be combined judiciously so as to not leak information. During these three years of thesis, we initially focused on securing an outsourced CBIR system under the constraint of no interaction between the users and the service provider (cloud). In a second step, we have developed a secure machine learning approach based on multilayer perceptron (MLP), whose learning phase can be outsourced in a secure way, the challenge being to ensure the convergence of the MLP. All the data and parameters of the model are encrypted using homomorphic encryption. Because these systems need to use information from multiple sources, each of which outsources its encrypted data under its own key, we are interested in the problem of sharing encrypted data. A problem known by the "Proxy Re-Encryption" (PRE) schemes. In this context, we have proposed the first PRE scheme that allows both the sharing and the processing of encrypted data. We also worked on watermarking scheme over encrypted data in order to trace and verify the integrity of data in this shared environment. The embedded message is accessible whether or not the image is encrypted and provides several services.

No description available.

The overall purpose of this study is to gain knowledge about dialogues in the setting of the preschool. The more in-depth purpose is to highlight what happens in dialogues between a teacher and a child when more children join the situation of interaction in which the dialogue is taking place. A further purpose is to attempt to understand what it is that influences change in the dialogue and what significance the actions of the teacher can have for this change. The study is based on several questions that concern interaction in preschools, who it is that initiates an increase in the number of participants in those situations that involve dialogue, and what happens with the dialogue when more children join and what causes the change in the dialogue. The study is based on video observations from a preschool; approximately 10 teachers and 50 children between the ages of one and six took part in the study. The situations that were observed and documented in video format were everyday activities (both indoor and outdoor) that were led at a nominal level by teachers. In total, 40 films were recorded. Film length was between one and 60 minutes. In 32 of the films, there was interaction between a teacher and several children, and 18 of these included dialogues between a teacher and several children. Dialogue is here given a specific significance and refers to the interaction that can be described in terms of presence, listening, reciprocity, and extending. This definition of dialogue derives from a combination of Martin Buber’s philosophy of dialogue and aspects of interaction that earlier research found to be significant for children’s learning. In two of the 18 films that showed dialogue, no other children became part of the situation of interaction; the remaining 16 films were transcribed; and both verbal and non-verbal events were made apparent in the transcriptions. Analyses of the recorded material and of the transcriptions were conducted using analytical terms borrowed from conversation analysis as well as the central term for this study dialogue.  The results demonstrate a complex practice and also demonstrate that dialogues in the sense given in this study take place between children and teachers. Situations of interaction also occur where dialogues take place in which a number of children join. It can be the child joining the situation of interaction who takes the initiative to an increased number of participants; however, it can also be the teacher or the child in the dialogue. The initial address can take place during a moment of transition in the interaction or at the same time as another participant is talking. The dialogue often changes when more children join the situation where the dialogue is taking place. The dialogue can end completely or be interrupted and resume. The results further demonstrate that the dialogue can continue without seemingly being affected by the fact that more children join. This happens when the child joining and the teacher in the dialogue interact in a non-verbal manner at the same time as the teacher is talking with the child in the dialogue. The dialogue can also be continued with more participants. Who takes the initiative, how the initial address occurs, and which content is given focus by the different participants are all factors that seem to affect what happens to the dialogue. How the teacher acts when more children join also appears to be significant in terms of what happens with the dialogue when more children join. In those situations where the teacher begins talking with a number of children about different subjects, the interaction ceases to be dialogic. When the teacher asks the joining child to wait, the dialogue is both interrupted and resumed, and on those occasions when the dialogue continues with more participants, the teacher listens to the joining child and the participants take turns speaking.

Text in Afrikaans / Suid-Afrika het as gevolg van apartheid vir etlike dekades oor 'n gedeeltelik legitieme plaaslike regeringstelsel beskik. Die probleem is dat die land se apartheidsregering afsonderlike stelsels vir blankes en swartes in aparte woongebiede in stand gehou het, welke beleid vir meeste Suid-Afrikaners onaanvaarbaar was. Swart plaaslike owerhede wat swart plaaslike regering moes bedryf, was nog polities nog ekonomies lewensvatbaar. Die rede hiervoor is dat hul enersyds deur die gemeenskap verwerp is en andersyds nie voldoende inkomstebronne gehad het om plaaslike owerheidsdienste finansieel onafhanklik te lewer nie. Stedelike swart gemeenskappe was aan 'n, vir hulle, onaanvaarbare apartheidsgestruktureerde swart plaaslike regeringstelsel onderworpe. Swart plaaslike owerhede was voorts as gevolg van hul ekonomiese nie-lewensvatbaarheid, gekniehalter in die lewering van plaaslike owerheidsdienste asook die daarstelling en instandhouding van kapitale ontwikkelingsprojekte. Stedelike swartes was dus blootgestel aan gebrekkige dienslewering in aparte, onderontwikkelde "slaapdorpe" waar hulle noodgedwonge moes woon. 'n Vraag waarna gevolglik gekyk word, fokus op die kenmerke van 'n ideeeltipiese model van plaaslike regering wat die gedeeltelik legitieme stelsel behoort te vervang. As gevolg van die onaanvaarbaarheid van die swart plaaslike regeringstelsel was swart plaaslike owerhede sedert die vroee tagtigerjare die teikens van aksioniste teen hierdie apartheidsproduk. Aksioniste het nie-gewelddadige aksie (NGA), geskoei op die Gandhiaanse filosofie en metodiek van Satyagraha, aangewend ten einde swart plaaslike owerhede te vernietig. NGA (wat dikwels ook tot gewelddadigheid gelei het), het tot gevolg gehad dat die owerheid later noodgedwonge 'n nuwe plaaslike regeringstelsel vir die totale Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing, met alle deelvennote moes beding. Onderhandelings het vervolgens meegebring dat 'n oorgangsproses na legitieme (demokratiese) plaaslike regering vir alle Suid-Afrikaners ingevolge die Oorgangswet op Plaaslike Regering, 1993 (Wet No. 209 van 1993) geaktiveer is. In hierdie proefskrif is gevolglik vasgestel: (1) welke invloed die politieke bedeling (apartheidsbedeling) op die ontwikkeling van stedelike swart gemeenskappe en die bedryf van swart plaaslike regering gehad het; (2) wat die aard en effek van NGA op die ontwikkeling van swart plaaslike regering was; en (3) hoe geldig die onderhandelde plaaslike regeringstelsel is, vergeleke met die ideeel-tipiese model wat geidentifiseer is. / As a result of apartheid South Africa possessed a partially legitimate local government system for several decades. The problem is that the country's apartheid government maintained separate systems for whites and blacks in separate residential areas, a policy that was unacceptable to the majority of South Africans. Black local authorities who had to maintain black local government were neither politically nor economically viable because they were rejected by the community and lacked sufficient sources of revenue to render financially independent local government services. Urban black communities were subject to what, for them, was an unacceptable apartheid-structured black local government system. Black local authorities were also prevented by their economic nonviability from delivering local government services effectively and from instituting and maintaining capital development projects. Urban blacks were therefore subjected to poor service delivery in separate, underdeveloped "dormitory towns" where they were forced to live. An issue to be considered in this regard concerns the characteristics of an ideal-typical model of local government that should replace this partially legitimate system. As a result of the unacceptability of the black local government system local authorities became the targets of activists who waged a campaign against this product of apartheid since the early eighties. Activists used non-violent action (NV A), based on the Gandhian principle of Satyagraha, to destroy black local authorities. As a result of NVA (which often led to violence) the central government was eventually forced to negotiate a new local government system for the whole of South African society with all stakeholders. Negotiations led to a process of transition to legitimate (democratic) local government for all South Africans as promulgated in the Local Government Transition Act, 1993 (Act No. 209 of I 993). Consequently the following has been established in this thesis: (1) the influence of the political dispensation (apartheid dispensation) on the development of urban black communities and the maintenance of black local government; (2) the nature and the effect of NV A on the development of black local government; and (3) how valid the negotiated local government system is, compared to the identified ideal-typical model. / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Ontwikkelingsadministrasie)

Esta tesis investiga la economía política de las transferencias intergubernamentales. Se centra en los factores políticos que determinan la asignación de fondos bajo control de gobiernos centrales a las diversas regiones. El primer capítulo, contribuye a este asunto a través de un nuevo análisis de los datos del panel y una medida comprensiva de necesidades de gastos para el caso de Rusia. El segundo capítulo, desarrolla nuevas herramientas metodológicas para analizar sistemas políticos del multi-partido. Estas herramientas permiten medir a votantes cambiantes en dos dimensiones ideológicas usando datos individuales de los estudios electorales. En el tercer capítulo se utilizan las medidas de votantes cambiantes para probar teorías de las políticas distributivas para el caso de España. Este capítulo demuestra que las variables políticas son significativas en la asignación de las subvenciones del estado, y la magnitud del efecto es comparable a la de variables económicas. / This thesis investigates the political economy view of intergovernmental grants. It centers on the political factors that determine allocation of funds under the control of central governments to different regions. The first chapter contributes to this topic by a novel analysis of panel data and a comprehensive measure of expenditure "needs" for the case of Russia. The second chapter develops new methodological tools for analyzing multi-party political systems. These tools allow to measure swing voters on two "ideological" dimensions using individual survey data. In the third chapter the measures of swing voters are used to test theories of distributive politics for the case of Spain. This chapter shows that political variables are significant in the allocation of state subventions, and the magnitude of the effect is comparable to that of economic variables.

Text in Afrikaans / Suid-Afrika het as gevolg van apartheid vir etlike dekades oor 'n gedeeltelik legitieme plaaslike regeringstelsel beskik. Die probleem is dat die land se apartheidsregering afsonderlike stelsels vir blankes en swartes in aparte woongebiede in stand gehou het, welke beleid vir meeste Suid-Afrikaners onaanvaarbaar was. Swart plaaslike owerhede wat swart plaaslike regering moes bedryf, was nog polities nog ekonomies lewensvatbaar. Die rede hiervoor is dat hul enersyds deur die gemeenskap verwerp is en andersyds nie voldoende inkomstebronne gehad het om plaaslike owerheidsdienste finansieel onafhanklik te lewer nie. Stedelike swart gemeenskappe was aan 'n, vir hulle, onaanvaarbare apartheidsgestruktureerde swart plaaslike regeringstelsel onderworpe. Swart plaaslike owerhede was voorts as gevolg van hul ekonomiese nie-lewensvatbaarheid, gekniehalter in die lewering van plaaslike owerheidsdienste asook die daarstelling en instandhouding van kapitale ontwikkelingsprojekte. Stedelike swartes was dus blootgestel aan gebrekkige dienslewering in aparte, onderontwikkelde "slaapdorpe" waar hulle noodgedwonge moes woon. 'n Vraag waarna gevolglik gekyk word, fokus op die kenmerke van 'n ideeeltipiese model van plaaslike regering wat die gedeeltelik legitieme stelsel behoort te vervang. As gevolg van die onaanvaarbaarheid van die swart plaaslike regeringstelsel was swart plaaslike owerhede sedert die vroee tagtigerjare die teikens van aksioniste teen hierdie apartheidsproduk. Aksioniste het nie-gewelddadige aksie (NGA), geskoei op die Gandhiaanse filosofie en metodiek van Satyagraha, aangewend ten einde swart plaaslike owerhede te vernietig. NGA (wat dikwels ook tot gewelddadigheid gelei het), het tot gevolg gehad dat die owerheid later noodgedwonge 'n nuwe plaaslike regeringstelsel vir die totale Suid-Afrikaanse samelewing, met alle deelvennote moes beding. Onderhandelings het vervolgens meegebring dat 'n oorgangsproses na legitieme (demokratiese) plaaslike regering vir alle Suid-Afrikaners ingevolge die Oorgangswet op Plaaslike Regering, 1993 (Wet No. 209 van 1993) geaktiveer is. In hierdie proefskrif is gevolglik vasgestel: (1) welke invloed die politieke bedeling (apartheidsbedeling) op die ontwikkeling van stedelike swart gemeenskappe en die bedryf van swart plaaslike regering gehad het; (2) wat die aard en effek van NGA op die ontwikkeling van swart plaaslike regering was; en (3) hoe geldig die onderhandelde plaaslike regeringstelsel is, vergeleke met die ideeel-tipiese model wat geidentifiseer is. / As a result of apartheid South Africa possessed a partially legitimate local government system for several decades. The problem is that the country's apartheid government maintained separate systems for whites and blacks in separate residential areas, a policy that was unacceptable to the majority of South Africans. Black local authorities who had to maintain black local government were neither politically nor economically viable because they were rejected by the community and lacked sufficient sources of revenue to render financially independent local government services. Urban black communities were subject to what, for them, was an unacceptable apartheid-structured black local government system. Black local authorities were also prevented by their economic nonviability from delivering local government services effectively and from instituting and maintaining capital development projects. Urban blacks were therefore subjected to poor service delivery in separate, underdeveloped "dormitory towns" where they were forced to live. An issue to be considered in this regard concerns the characteristics of an ideal-typical model of local government that should replace this partially legitimate system. As a result of the unacceptability of the black local government system local authorities became the targets of activists who waged a campaign against this product of apartheid since the early eighties. Activists used non-violent action (NV A), based on the Gandhian principle of Satyagraha, to destroy black local authorities. As a result of NVA (which often led to violence) the central government was eventually forced to negotiate a new local government system for the whole of South African society with all stakeholders. Negotiations led to a process of transition to legitimate (democratic) local government for all South Africans as promulgated in the Local Government Transition Act, 1993 (Act No. 209 of I 993). Consequently the following has been established in this thesis: (1) the influence of the political dispensation (apartheid dispensation) on the development of urban black communities and the maintenance of black local government; (2) the nature and the effect of NV A on the development of black local government; and (3) how valid the negotiated local government system is, compared to the identified ideal-typical model. / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Ontwikkelingsadministrasie)

This thesis examines the impact of external actors’ involvement on regional organizations’ mediation duration. Focusing on the context of Africa, the study employs a qualitative comparative analysis of two mediation cases to explore the causal relationship between extensive external actors’ involvement and mediation duration. The analysis draws on vastly collected qualitative data from various sources, including reports, news articles, practitioners’ memoirs, and other relevant publications. The finding reveals that extensive external actors’ involvement in regional organizations’ mediation process prolonged mediation duration, while modest external actors’ involvement is linked to a relatively shorter mediation duration. The prolonged mediation duration is attributed to factors such as competition among external actors, coordination challenges, lack of timely decision-making, and the initiation of parallel mediations. The implication of the findings contributes to a better understanding of the dynamics between external actors’ involvement and regional organizations’ mediation processes. It highlights the need for effective cooperation of external actors to enhance regional organizations’ mediation efficiency.

On peut considérer que le démarrage du processus de démocratisation en Namibie a lieu en 1989 et au Congo Brazzaville en 1990 : pour le premier il s’agit, de la libération du joug sud-africain avec l’accession à l’indépendance et la mise en place d’un régime démocratique, pour le second la chute d’un régime de parti unique et l’instauration du multipartisme puis de la démocratie. Cette phase de bouleversement a été rendue possible par la mobilisation des forces sociales, notamment les organisations syndicales.La recherche consiste ici à considérer le rôle de ces forces sociales dans ce processus et à s’interroger sur leur nature, en particulier pour déterminer si elles constituent une société civile. Ainsi les Eglises jouent un rôle déterminant, et ce dans les deux pays. Au moment de l’ouverture démocratique, les associations se multiplient. La mise en place des premières institutions est marquée par une course au pouvoir, et se révèle la plus critique pour la société civile, dont le positionnement même est mis à mal ; les organisations sont soumises à rude épreuve. Certains meneurs des mouvements de contestations se retrouvent à la tête de partis politiques, dans un environnement à haut risque. Les rivalités ethniques ou tribales et le régionalisme s’enracinent dans la conscience populaire.Si la Namibie va poursuivre son chemin vers la démocratie, malgré la faiblesse de la société civile et les blessures du passé, le Congo va sombrer d’abord dans une guerre civile avant de chercher le chemin de la paix. La société civile anéantie au moment du conflit revient sur le devant de la scène à travers le Conseil œcuménique des Eglises mais échoue à consolider la démocratie. / One can acknowledge that the democratisation process in Namibia started in 1989 and in Congo Brazzaville in 1990: for the first one it meant freeing itself from the South African rule as the country conquered its independence and established a democratic regime, for the second one, it meant the fall of a one-party rule and installing a multiparty system in a move to democracy. This upheaval phase was made possible through social forces mobilisation, especially trade unions. Our research consists in looking into the role played by these social forces in the process and in questioning their nature, particularly in order to determine whether they form some civil society. In both countries, churches are instrumental in the process. When democracy is introduced, associations flourish. As the first institutions are set, a struggle for power is engaged that soon proves to be critical for civil society, as even their position is challenged ; organisations are under deep stress. Some leaders of these social movements join or head political parties, in a high-risk context. Ethnic or tribal rivalries, as well as regionalism roots in the people's consciousness. If Namibia continues its path to democracy, despite the weakness of civil society and the wounds from the past, the Congo will first fall into civil war before searching for a way towards peace. Civil society, which has collapsed during the conflict, comes back to front stage through the Ecumenical Council of Churches but fails to consolidate democracy.