Univ., Diss.--Leiden, 2004. / Literaturverz. S. [327] - 357.

Dr. Robert A. Pape publicerar 1996 boken Bombing to Win. Kvantitativa studier av 33 konflikter där luftstridskrafter använts har genomförts. Detta för att söka ett samband mellan lyckade respektive misslyckade slutresultat. De teorier som Pape framför har därför en empirisk förankring och de slutsatser som förs fram är att strategisk bombning väldigt sällan fungerar och att luftstridskrafter istället bör användas för att neka fiendes styrkor framgång på slagfältet. Tre år efter att Bombing to Win publiceras inleds Operation Allied Force. En operation ledd av NATO för att förhindra den etniska rensningen av albaner i Kosovo. Syftet med detta arbete är att se om Robert A. Pape:s teorier uppmärksammats. Detta genom att leta efter händelser där NATO använder luftstridskrafterna på ett sätt som överensstämmer med Pape:s teorier. Slutsatsen är att det finns vissa händelser i konflikten där NATO:s agerande överensstämmer med de teorier Pape presenterar i Bombing To Win. Det finns däremot inte en koppling till ett särskilt skede eller del av operationen. Genom uttalanden av militära beslutsfattare går det att påvisa att teorierna har uppfattats av dessa. Politiska viljor har haft stor inverkan, och vissa militära strategiska viljor har fått stå tillbaka.

Sammanfattning: Vilka är trenderna i den ryska doktrinutvecklingen under 2000-talet och hur kan dessa karaktäriseras? De ryska doktrinerna vänder sig inte primärt till operativ verksamhet utan är deklaratoriska till innehåll och omfattning och ska tolkas som signaler till omvärlden. Rysslands doktrinutveckling påverkas i stor omfattning av omvärldshändelser där retoriken i början av decenniet indikerar en stor oro för ett försvagat FN, vilket härleds till bl.a. Nato intervenering i f.d. Jugoslavien utan FN- mandat. Rysslands geostrategiska läge indikerar ett dilemma då hoten mot Rysslands säkerhet får en omfattande beskrivning i doktrinerna. Rysslands syn på FN har under senare delen av 2000-talet försvagats till fördel för CSTO som vuxit fram som ett möjligt ryskt alternativ till FN men främst som motvikt till Nato. Idémaktsteorin möjliggör att identifiera bl.a. retoriken i de ryska doktrinerna, där teorins institutionaliserade idéer, i främst den ryska militära eliten, påvisar varför förhållningssätt och uttryck i militärdoktrinerna skiljer sig i jämförelse med Vitboken. I detta sammanhang indikerar studien även motsättningar mellan den ryska politiska och militära eliten.

The aim of this study was to analyze how realism and liberalism are represented in requests concerning the question about a Swedish membership in Nato written by members of the Swedish Moderate Party in 2010, 2013, 2015 and 2017 respectively. The time period was chose due to Russia’s annexation of Crimea in 2014, which created a higher threat level in areas that are in close proximity of Sweden and which makes the debate about a Swedish membership in Nato very topical. To be able to answer the aim of this study, ideal type analysis was used as the method. Analyzing the occurrence of realism and liberalism within three political issues: security, collaboration and international organizations. The results show that the realistic and the liberal ideal type could be identified in requests concerning collaboration. However, within the political issues of security and international organizations only the liberal ideal type could be identified. Hence, there was not possible to identify any ideological change between realism and liberalism. In seven occasions none of the ideal types could be identified. Considering that the study included some eventful years, the result of no ideological changes are to be seen as fairly unexpected.

Chemical warfare agents can be currently considered a high risk to humans. Group of nerve agents, is considered the most dangerous. These highly toxic substances have a rapid onset of action, the organism will receive all the entry gates, therapy intoxication is always difficult and death occurs often. The body's resistance to the effects of nerve agents at the expected intoxication increases not only prophylactic administration of antidotes , eg. when working in a contaminated environment after a terrorist attack, but also potentiates the subsequent antidotal therapy after exposure. This thesis is dedicated to gain in depth understanding of nerve agents with aspect of pharmacological prophylaxis. The introduction presents combat toxic substances in general, differentiation due to its effect on human with possible damage to the organism and brief characteristics of every basic type of nerve agents with examples included. Further on the theoretical part focuses on issues of nerve agents. The history of their development and well-known applicationsis breifly mentioned, respectively, abuse in the world. The thesis mentions of the Conventions on the prohibition of chemical weapons in connection with the misuse. Thesis continues dividing type nerve agents, describing the mechanism of action, acute toxicity and its symptoms, diagnosis and therapy of poisoning. Degree, extent and rate of damage to the body caused by nerve agents depends on many factors. A major factor which influences the ultimate toxic effect are taken input. Body damage can be caused, for example. Inhalation administration, contamination of broken or intact skin, ingestion, or hitting the conjunctiva. Since they have nerve agent toxicity and high speed action, protective and preventive measures are an important element to prevent the penetration of substances into the body. The Army of the Czech Republic ensures the protection of personal protective equipment, decontamination of affected skin and pharmacological prophylaxis. Another part of this work is the term prophylaxis and related topics, especially pharmacological prophylaxis. Directions pharmaceutical prophylaxis currently can be divided into three directions - protection against acetylcholinesterase inhibition, administration of antidotes and normal use Scavengers called. "Scavengers". The body's resistance to the effects of nerve agents at the expected intoxication not only increases prophylactic administration of antidotes, but also potentiates the subsequent antidotal therapy after exposure. Prophylactics PANPAL and TRANSANT are in equipment of Czech Army, in the work is devoted more attention to them. Both of these products were developed in the Czech Republic. There are also presented antidotal remedies of first aid, which are available for the Army of the Czech Republic. The practical part of this thesis aims to compare the prophylactic antidotes in the Czech Republic and in selected countries of NATO from four perspectives - onset, prophylactic activities, application forms, and adverse effects. An analysis of the available Czech and foreign professional articles, publications and studies and the subsequent comparative analysis of the various aspects and evaluate various selected countries is used to achieve this goal. These resulting data then point to the position of the Czech Republic in the field of prevention against intoxication by nerve agents - The Army of Czech Republic that has put in service two prophylactic antidotes that achieve the best results investigational products. It may therefore be said that the Army of the Czech Republic currently has a combination of prophylactic best in the world, which is relatively free of side effects has easy application and an unnecessarily long duration of action. This result is even answer the research question - Prophylactic antidotes in the Czech Republic are comparable according to the given parameters with antidotes in selected countries.

Orientador: Carlos Gustavo Poggio Teixeira / Resumo: No período da Guerra Fria, o desempenho da OTAN fora dos limites territoriais abrangidos pelo Artigo 6º sucedia-se por meio de arranjos informais e operações que não estivessem sob o seu comando. Logo, a atuação da OTAN no Atlântico Sul ocorreu de forma bastante limita-da em decorrência da ausência de uma política oficial acerca das operações out-of-area. Com o fim da era bipolar, a OTAN ganhou maior espaço de atuação no mundo e deixou de ser uma mera aliança militar, sob a base da defesa coletiva e, transformou-se em uma organização de segurança coletiva. Do mesmo modo, ao longo dos anos 2000, o Atlântico Sul adquire impor-tância estratégica aos olhos das potências globais e regionais, constituindo-se como uma área de oportunidades econômicas para conquista de autonomia energética e de projeção de poder político e militar. Portanto, a pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar como se dá a atuação da Or-ganização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (OTAN) no ambiente geoestratégico do Atlântico Sul. Isso serve para compreender as motivações que conduzem os membros a envolver a or-ganização em uma área que oferece poucas ameaças às suas seguranças e que não foi contem-plada no seu mais recente Conceito Estratégico de 2010. Nessa pesquisa, elencam-se três fato-res de envolvimento da Aliança na região: os recursos naturais, a realidade de segurança e a crescente presença de China, Índia, Rússia. Temos que para países como França, Inglaterra, Portugal e EUA, que já possuem significativa influ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: In the period of the Cold War, NATO's performance outside the territorial boundaries covered by Article 6 was provided through informal arrangements and operations that were not under its command. Therefore, NATO's action in the South Atlantic had occurred in a very limited way due to the absence of an official policy on out-of-area operations. With the end of the bi-polar era, NATO gained more space in the world and it is no longer only to be a mere military alliance, under the base of collective defense, and became a collective security organization. Likewise, throughout the 2000s, the South Atlantic acquired strategic importance in the eyes of global and regional powers, constituting itself as an area of economic opportunities for the achievement of energy autonomy and the projection of political and military power. There-fore, the aim of the research is to analyze how the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) operates in the geostrategic environment of the South Atlantic. This is to understand the motivations that lead members to involve the organization in an area that offers few threats to its security and that was not contemplated in its most recent Strategic Concept 2010. In this research, there are three factors of Alliance's involvement in the region: natural re-sources, security reality and the increasing presence of China, India, Russia. For countries such as France, England, Portugal and the USA, which already have significant influence in the region, there a... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

Submitted by DANIELLA DA SILVA NOGUEIRA DE MELO null (dani_melo192@hotmail.com) on 2018-02-28T14:48:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniella- arquivo completo.pdf: 1564598 bytes, checksum: a4388a81c5d6db892ce0403ed30ba6a1 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Satie Tagara (satie@marilia.unesp.br) on 2018-02-28T17:05:54Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 melo_dsn_me_mar.pdf: 1564598 bytes, checksum: a4388a81c5d6db892ce0403ed30ba6a1 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-02-28T17:05:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 melo_dsn_me_mar.pdf: 1564598 bytes, checksum: a4388a81c5d6db892ce0403ed30ba6a1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-21 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / No período da Guerra Fria, o desempenho da OTAN fora dos limites territoriais abrangidos pelo Artigo 6º sucedia-se por meio de arranjos informais e operações que não estivessem sob o seu comando. Logo, a atuação da OTAN no Atlântico Sul ocorreu de forma bastante limita-da em decorrência da ausência de uma política oficial acerca das operações out-of-area. Com o fim da era bipolar, a OTAN ganhou maior espaço de atuação no mundo e deixou de ser uma mera aliança militar, sob a base da defesa coletiva e, transformou-se em uma organização de segurança coletiva. Do mesmo modo, ao longo dos anos 2000, o Atlântico Sul adquire impor-tância estratégica aos olhos das potências globais e regionais, constituindo-se como uma área de oportunidades econômicas para conquista de autonomia energética e de projeção de poder político e militar. Portanto, a pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar como se dá a atuação da Or-ganização do Tratado do Atlântico Norte (OTAN) no ambiente geoestratégico do Atlântico Sul. Isso serve para compreender as motivações que conduzem os membros a envolver a or-ganização em uma área que oferece poucas ameaças às suas seguranças e que não foi contem-plada no seu mais recente Conceito Estratégico de 2010. Nessa pesquisa, elencam-se três fato-res de envolvimento da Aliança na região: os recursos naturais, a realidade de segurança e a crescente presença de China, Índia, Rússia. Temos que para países como França, Inglaterra, Portugal e EUA, que já possuem significativa influência na região, há maiores vantagens em engajar a OTAN no Atlântico Sul. Por outro lado, a falta de clareza dos objetivos da organi-zação na região cria uma imagem de desconfiança para as potências regionais (Brasil, Argen-tina) que assumem uma postura defensiva em evitar a interferência de atores extrarregionais em seus espaços estratégicos. De forma geral, a pesquisa mostra que a participação da Aliança no Atlântico Sul serve para reforçar os interesses dos aliados e reformular as relações de força na região por meio de acordos diplomáticos, exercícios militares conjuntos, formação de par-cerias, intercâmbio de recursos e capacidades como se vê nas relações da OTAN com Cabo Verde, Mauritânia, Colômbia e outros países desse entorno regional. / In the period of the Cold War, NATO's performance outside the territorial boundaries covered by Article 6 was provided through informal arrangements and operations that were not under its command. Therefore, NATO's action in the South Atlantic had occurred in a very limited way due to the absence of an official policy on out-of-area operations. With the end of the bi-polar era, NATO gained more space in the world and it is no longer only to be a mere military alliance, under the base of collective defense, and became a collective security organization. Likewise, throughout the 2000s, the South Atlantic acquired strategic importance in the eyes of global and regional powers, constituting itself as an area of economic opportunities for the achievement of energy autonomy and the projection of political and military power. There-fore, the aim of the research is to analyze how the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) operates in the geostrategic environment of the South Atlantic. This is to understand the motivations that lead members to involve the organization in an area that offers few threats to its security and that was not contemplated in its most recent Strategic Concept 2010. In this research, there are three factors of Alliance's involvement in the region: natural re-sources, security reality and the increasing presence of China, India, Russia. For countries such as France, England, Portugal and the USA, which already have significant influence in the region, there are greater advantages in engaging NATO in the South Atlantic. On the other hand, the lack of clarity of the organization's objectives in the region creates a distrust image for the regional powers (Brazil, Argentina) that take a defensive stance in avoiding the inter-ference of extra-regional actors in their strategic spaces. Overall, the research shows that the Alliance's participation in the South Atlantic serves to reinforce the interests of allies and to reshape the region's power relations through diplomatic agreements, joint military exercises, partnerships, exchange of resources and capacity as it is seen in NATO relations with Cape Verde, Mauritania, Colombia and other countries in this region.

Alliances should have a big amount of capabilities and strong individual states to deter successfully. NATO needs to decide who their adversary is, what actions to deter and what countermeasures to deter them. They should also increase their conventional forces and willingness to use nuclear weapons as a response to aggression. With this background in previous research the problem of this thesis is how does an alliance deterring strategy look like and how is it tailored to fit the adversary, threat and countermeasures. The aim for this thesis is to explain how the deterring strategy of NATO looks like and how it has changed since after the cold war till today. The results show that the deterring strategy has changed focus. From the focus on territorial, broad and denial deterrence in the strategic concept from 1999. To the focus on territorial, extended, broad and denial deterrence in the NATO summit meeting in Warsaw 2016.

During the last decades airpower has become a useful tool for military interventions. Earlier research argues that air operations during the first Gulf war proved that strategic bombing could be effective due to modern technology and precision guided munitions. John Warden developed a theory based on strategic bombing, where he sees the enemy as a system, which is illustrated by a five-ring-model. The theory is widely discussed in the modern airpower debate, and has also been criticized because it has not been proved in any large-N study. Therefore, this essay aims to test Wardens five-ring-model in a comparative case study where two modern air operations have been chosen for investigation. The two operations are Operation Deliberate Force that took place Bosnia, 1995, and Operation Odyssey Dawn/Unified Protector that took place in Libya, 2011. The two operations have many similarities but differ in the time it took to reach their designated goals. The results indicate that Wardens theory is not capable of explaining why the two operations differed in the time it took to achieve its goals. The operations did not act according to Wardens five-ring-model to a sufficiently large extent when other targets were more frequently attacked than the ones that Warden advocates to be the most effective. Warden states that his theory is very general and can be used for any opponent, but the results of this essay indicate that it may be to general to be able to explain the outcome of an operation.

This thesis examines processes of peace-promotion in the Balkans since the end of the Cold War. It is conducted from the perspective of International Relations theory and as such identifies peace as a pattern of order defined by the analytical framework of security communities. In this respect, the thesis argues that the initiation of a security community in the Balkans is a result of the post- 1999 international socialisation of regional decision-making by the EU and NATO. It, therefore, advances the concept of an elite security community as the embryonic stage of securitycommunity- building. The focus on state-elites is an outcome of the procedural dynamics of socialisation, where it is the decision-making behaviour that signifies compliance with externallypromoted standards. The conjecture is that the promotion of peace in the Balkans is the result of the extension of the Euro-Atlantic security community. The inference is that both the EU and NATO tend to be more convincing agents of socialisation as a result of their association/partnership and accession programmes. Being a complex and context specific process, the conditioning of Balkan states into a security-community-pattern of relations is underwritten by the Euro-Atlantic exercise of socialising power. This notion of power, however, is not defined as the control of policy-outcomes, but instead emphasises the ability of external actors to cause change in decision-making behaviour. The thesis also argues that the process of international socialisation has different effects depending on the nature of statehood in the target entities - in integrated states the external agency is both more immediate to discern and implement, while in awkward states the process tends to be longer and more intricate. Yet, as the case of the Balkans attests, the extension of the Euro-Atlantic security community to the region depends on the viable (even if distant) prospect of membership in the EU and NATO. In this way the thesis contributes to understanding the early stages of initiating a security community, as well as the role played by international actors in its promotion.