From the mid-1990s, the amalgamation of security, development, and humanitarian imperatives under the single umbrella of ‘state-building’ has provided a compelling justification for increasingly intrusive interventions into the political, economic, and social affairs of subject countries. Guided by the assumptions of liberal peace theory, state-building initiatives engage directly with states, seeking to achieve a reformulation of structures of government as a first step towards the implementation of wider socio-economic reforms. The state-building project is geared towards the construction of a particular form of statehood in subject states; state institutions are to be reconstructed in accordance with a liberal template, and tasked with establishing the necessary institutional environment for market-led development and the liberal peace. Contemporary discourses of state-building and development are fundamentally interlinked, representing a unified process of neo-liberal replication in subject states, whereby fundamental transformations of social, political, and economic structures are to be implemented and sustained through the construction of liberal state institutions. Pressure to court international approval due to conditions of aid dependence curtails the potential for meaningful democracy in subject countries. Key questions of social and economic policy are subsumed as technical matters of good governance and removed from domestic democratic contestation, facilitating a transfer of formerly domestic considerations into the international sphere. These interlocking processes of state-building and neo-liberal discipline have contributed to an inversion of sovereign statehood, whereby the state serves to channel inward an externally driven agenda, rather than acting as a sovereign expression of domestic interests. This reality raises important questions regarding the nature of democracy in post-conflict environments, and in particular the impact of state-building activities on the prospects for broadly inclusive democracy in subject states. This study will examine the evolution of state-building as a critical components of peace-building missions, its central assumptions and goals, and its implementation in practice in Timor-Leste. The state-building process in Timor-Leste has contributed to the formation of an insulated state with little basis in Timorese society. The democratic experience in Timor-Leste has been profoundly disempowering; conditions of aid dependence have constrained elected governments in key areas of social and economic policy, resulting in a loss of popular legitimacy and mounting public disenchantment. Closer examination of food and agricultural policy and management of Timorese oil reserves reveals the extent to which government policy remains constrained by international preferences. In these areas, the government’s inability to act in the interests of the Timorese public has compounded social hardships and popular discontent, contributing to the build-up of anti-government sentiment that manifested itself in the 2006 crisis.

Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Centro de Pesquisa e Pós-Graduação sobre as Américas, 2007. / Submitted by wesley oliveira leite (leite.wesley@yahoo.com.br) on 2009-10-16T17:59:36Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese_Mireya Eugenia Valencia P.pdf: 1518170 bytes, checksum: 2f0a55a2e6d6a2c6f5ca0982077f2b43 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Tania Milca Carvalho Malheiros(tania@bce.unb.br) on 2009-10-19T12:46:55Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese_Mireya Eugenia Valencia P.pdf: 1518170 bytes, checksum: 2f0a55a2e6d6a2c6f5ca0982077f2b43 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2009-10-19T12:46:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese_Mireya Eugenia Valencia P.pdf: 1518170 bytes, checksum: 2f0a55a2e6d6a2c6f5ca0982077f2b43 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-08 / Esta tese sustenta que a abordagem territorial introduz elementos novos na concepção de desenvolvimento, em relação às concepções que a antecederam, surgindo essa abordagem territorial como resposta ao modelo de desenvolvimento neoliberal, na tentativa de inserir os territórios com desenvolvimento desigual nos mercados nacionais e globais. Para chegar a essa sustentação, investigaram-se, à luz de diferentes correntes da economia do desenvolvimento, as mudanças teóricas e práticas que a abordagem territorial propõe, aprofundando a análise em suas origens e estabelecendo, com base nelas, duas tendências dessa abordagem. Essa análise teórica foi relacionada com as experiências de desenvolvimento territorial implementadas no Brasil e na Colômbia. Para estabelecer tal relação, realizou-se um estudo comparativo entre as propostas, que em tais países, estão em andamento sob o enfoque territorial do desenvolvimento. Com a comparação, foi possível não apenas identificar o conteúdo empírico dos conceitos que suportam a abordagem territorial, mas também verificar em que medida esses conceitos correspondem a uma realidade fática. As diferenças entre as políticas que orientam o desenvolvimento territorial no Brasil e na Colômbia produzem realidades diferentes, mostrando que as propostas desses países diferem, não só em termos de espaço e cultura, mas também em termos de estruturas conceituais. __________________________________________________________________________________ ABSTRACT / This dissertation argues that the territorial approach introduce new elements in the development theory. In relation to former conceptions, this territorial approach, as a response to the neoliberal model of development, is an attempt to incorporate territories with unequal development in the national and global markets. In order to build this argument, based upon different development economics currents, theoretical and practical changes suggested by the territorial approach were examined. By deepening the analysis of the origins from territorial approach, two trends from this approach were established. Theoretical analysis was related to territorial development experiences in Brazil and Colombia. To connect theory and evidence, a comparative study between these countries development proposals with territorial approach was carried out. With the comparison, it was possible not only to identify the empirical content of the concepts underlying the territorial approach, but also verify to what extent such concepts correspond to reality. Differences between policies that guide territorial development in Brazil and Colombia produce different realities, showing that proposals from these countries are different not only in terms of space and culture, but also in terms of conceptual structures.

This thesis aims to understand the connexions between the ethical practices associated with suffering a chronic illness and possibilities of truth, subjectivity, governmentality and freedom. This is attempted via an analysis of the specific case of HIV/AIDS. In the 1980s there emerged a variety of competing ways to construct the truth of HIV/AIDS. By the early 1990s, however, one particular way of thinking about and problematizing the syndrome - an account which reflected less the repressive intentions and perspectives of recently ascendant neo-liberal governments than the efforts and world-views of grass-roots community activism - had achieved ascendancy. This approach to HIV/AIDS remains today the authoritative one, and that from which expertise on the subject is derived. The emergence to pre-eminence of this way of thinking about HIV/AIDS is mapped, and three of its principal manifestations are examined in detail, using techniques of textual analysis. It is argued that within these texts, through the use of various forms of textual management, ethical subject relations of the sort discussed by Foucault are constructed, which delimit the possibilities of being for those who are touched by the disease, and which comprise elements of an ethico-panoptic regulatory technology. The parallels and differences between the technologies of government articulated via these 'community' based discourses and those of recent neo-liberal discourses are explored, with consideration being given to their implications for the practising of resistance and of freedom by people infected or affected by HIV or AIDS. Engagement with the field in this fashion is uncommon within sociology of HIV/AIDS, and to do so raises a variety of conceptual and methodological issues. Hence, within this thesis the task of interrogating HIV/AIDS discourse is radically linked to the construction of a distinct form of sociology, derived from the Foucauldian project of the 'history of the present'.

Il est nécessaire d’effectuer de profonds changements pour adapter les pays aux nouveaux paradigmes universels reconnaissant aux économies sans frontières une modernisation démocratique. La tâche à peine en partie terminée implique d’orchestrer des réformes qui recouvrent depuis les systèmes juridiques et de justice, la formation des réseaux actif de sécurité sociales, la lutte contre la corruption, jusqu’à la supervision bancaire modernisée. Par ailleurs, la tâche de la politique économique ne consiste pas seulement à produire plus avec une efficacité hors du commun, sinon à articuler une société moyennement équitable, à faire en sorte que démocratie et marché s’équilibre entre eux, refluant le despotisme du pouvoir politique absolu ou le darwinisme polarisant de marché, à équilibrer l’ajustement vers l’extérieur, l’adaptation aux marchés universels, avec l’ajustement vers l’intérieur qui compense et ouvre des opportunités aux entreprises, aux travailleurs et, en général, aux groupes perdants du changement. Ensembles, au cours de ces années, on a appris que le développement est possible, mais pas automatique, que celui-ci n’assure pas toujours la diminution de la pauvreté, que les peuples doivent être non seulement bénéficiaires, mais participer également a leur propre progrès. / It is necessary to make significant changes to adapt the countries to the new universal economic paradigms recognizing without borders a democratic modernization. Task only partially completed involves orchestrating reforms covering since legal systems and justice, training networks active social security, the fight against corruption, to modernized banking supervision. Moreover, the task of economic policy is not only to produce more with unusual efficient, but to articulate a moderately equitable society, to ensure that democracy and market balance between to ensure that democracy and market balance between them, flowing despotism of power absolute political where Darwinism’s market polarizing, balance adjustment outward, adaptation to universal markets, with the adjustment that compensates for inward that compensates and opens opportunities to companies, the workers, and in general, change losers groups. Together, over the years, we have learned that development is possible, but not automatic, that it does not always ensure the reduction of poverty, the people must not only beneficiaries but also to their participation own progress.

This thesis eschews an econometric approach to the analysis of microfinance initiatives in favour of a wider, political economy approach. It paints a picture of the international financial and socio-economic environment in which microfinance as a practice has developed since the mid-1970s, and the introduction outlines the political agendas that fuel the theoretical debate over development, and the manner in which the self-proclaimedly objective scientific rationale that underlines the dominant neoliberal hegemony is in reality no such thing. The introduction is followed by a methodological explanation of the necessity to examine microfinance in such a context, and then deals with the combination of approaches included in the thesis, sources, and data-collection methods of the fieldwork in Nicaragua. The next three chapters comprise the body of theoretical and literary evidence in support of this methodology, from the international down to the sectoral level within Nicaragua. Having located the Nicaraguan microfinance sector within a theoretical, international and national context, the subsequent chapter moves to examine the local context. The fieldwork in Nicaragua culminates in a combined map- and questionnaire-based exercise set in Masaya, a city some 27 kilometres roughly south of Managua, the capital. The chapter examines the structure and functions of two local microfinance organisations, FAMA and ADIM, and conducts a close examination of the population amongst which these microfinance organisations operate. The survey of the socioeconomy of households within the Masaya area concludes by casting doubts on, traditional methods of microfinance impact assessment, and suggests a different approach to studying microfinance. The thesis concludes by suggesting that the current vogue for envisaging microfinance initiatives as purely financial operations to be analysed as an accounting phenomenon is not only mistaken, but has potentially damaging consequences. The thesis argues that microfinance must be seen within local, national and international political contexts, and that doing so will help avoid costly errors. The thesis also suggests that the demand for new client-orientated initiatives will be assisted by taking the political economic reality into account, and by using methods such as those suggested by this thesis.

In the twenty-first century, African farmers are still in the grips of economic stagnation and are being subjected to neo-liberal developmental policies such as structural adjustment and trade liberalization. However, small-scale producers have not disengaged from the state as some scholars assert like Goran Hyden. In Ghana, producers came together in the form of a farmers' union to address their economic needs not through the "economy of affection" where they relied on kinship and other forms of familial alliances but rather through networks of market-oriented economic association. One such association for agriculture producers was the Kuapa Kokoo Farmers' Union, a cocoa farmers' association. The formation of the Kuapa Kokoo Farmers' Union created a complex interaction between the state and agricultural producers. Smallholder cocoa producers, through such organizations, laid claim as actors in economic development. The state, through its historic role as financier of agricultural production, tried to find new avenues to dominate rural producers even in a post liberalized world, where the state was supposed to be withdrawing from active involvement in the economy and allowing the private sector to be the main engine of economic growth. It is within this framework of contestation that this study contends that scholars should examine the relations between state and agricultural producers, and the implications of this relationship on economic development and the marketplace. I argue that this complex interaction is not a clear situation of the "economy of affection" or the total dominance of the state but rather a complex interaction in which the state most often has the upper hand but does not suppress the ability of agricultural producers to be meaningful actors in the marketplace. Commodity farmers are not limited to the sphere of production or "exit" from the national economy but try to empower their members through fair trade practices and direct involvement in the confectionery industry in order to take control over their product and become active participants in the world market.

A mental health crisis is happening on post-secondary campuses in Ontario today. Post-secondary institutions provide mental health services to students in an effort to respond to this crisis and manage students in distress. The management of students and the implementation of these mental health services is the main concern of this thesis, more specifically, the ways in which these services expose conscious and/or unconscious beliefs about student mental health. By extension, these beliefs constitute the ways in which we can think about, talk about, and know about patient safety. The object of study is the intersection of the neo-liberal university with the ‘good’ student and the resulting effects of this relationship on the development and implementation of mental health services. These intersections themselves create possibilities for acting on students in distress, but that also create unintended contradictions in the services themselves. An examination of this intersection can address a gap in the literature on post-secondary student mental health. The conceptual framework used in this study is primarily built from Michel Foucault’s concepts of subjectivity, and governmentality. The object of consideration is limited in this study to senior employees directly involved in student mental health at a university in Ontario. Documents are analysed to show how student mental health problems have been problematized nationally, provincially and locally and, thus, a behaviour to be regulated with governing practices. Data from interviews with senior University employees and observations of wellness events are analysed to examine the imbrication of advanced liberal rationalities and techniques in the implementation of mental health services on campus. The thesis argues that the development of these services is not an unproblematic process, whereby services and activities act simply as neutral tools to improve the mental health and well-being of students. Rather, these services aim to produce successful, enterprising students. Discourses of mental health and student success produce certain truths about practices and student subjectivities, obscuring and narrowing the definition of health and well-being and creating contradictions for students experiencing mental distress. In particular, this thesis shows how the University’s objectives for providing mental health services have implications for the development of mental health services and the governing of post-secondary in advanced liberal ways.

Syftet med denna uppsats är att belysa och analysera hur nationella prov för åk 3 framställs och legitimeras i den offentliga debatten samt i en skolkontext. Jag vill vidare problematisera hur kunskap produceras och makt utövas på en mer generell nivå i skolan. Materialet till denna studie består av skriftliga källor så som forskningsrapporter och tidningsartiklar, kvalitativa intervjuer med lärare samt en observation och ett samtal med elever i åk 3. Materialet granskas med hjälp av genealogi och Michel Foucaults teorier kring makt, disciplinering och normalitet. I den offentliga debatten finns ett gemensamt förgivet tagande att proven på olika sätt kan förbättra skolan. Kritiker hävdar att detta är neo-liberala tankar som inte grundar sig på forskning. Lärarna är i stor omfattning positiv till proven och har förhoppningar att provresultaten skall ge dem ökade resurser. Proven kan tolkas som en metod för utövande av makt och disciplinering i skolan med hjälp av elevers och lärares strävan efter normalitet.

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No / Fusing two key concerns of contemporary sociology: globalization and its discontents, and the 'complexity turn' in social theory, authors Chesters and Welsh utilize complexity theory to analyze the shifting constellation of social movement networks that constitute opposition to neo-liberal globalization. They explore how seemingly chaotic and highly differentiated social actors interacting globally through computer mediated communications, face-to-face gatherings and protests constitute a 'multitude' not easily grasped through established models of social and political change. Drawing upon extensive empirical research and utilizing concepts drawn from the natural and social sciences this book suggests a framework for understanding mobilization, identity formation and information flows in global social movements operating within complex societies. It suggests that this 'movement of movements' exhibits an emergent order on the edge of chaos, a turbulence that is recasting political agency in the twenty-first century.