論文摘要 本文主要之研究在於檢驗東協區域論壇是否具有影響亞太區域安全之效能。首先藉由國際關係理論對於「安全」的闡述，筆者運用新現實主義與新自由制度主義的安全觀與對國際建制的看法，來評析東協區域論壇（ASEAN Retional Forum, ARF）對亞太安全的影響力。隨著國際關係理論的檢視過程中得知，新現實主義與新自由制度主義皆認為東協區域論壇在穩定亞太區域和平與穩定的效用不大。 其次，透過Andreas Hasenclever、Peter Mayer與Volker Rittberger在 Theories of International Regimes文章中所提出關於國際建制（International Regimes）評定的指標，其以新自由制度主義的觀點就（1）建制的「效率」（Effectiveness）指標－建制達成目標與貫徹意志的能力、對成員的影響力，以及決議的拘束力等方面；兼以（2）建制的「彈性－堅實」（Resilience / Robustness）指標－東協區域論壇對於現實事件、衝突的解決能力與成效，藉由國際建制的角度來分析東協區域論壇在建制上的完備與否，來評價東協區域論壇是否合乎所謂區域性「安全」機制的標準。 經由國際建制指標的檢視結果得知，不論在「效率」指標或「彈性－堅實」指標，皆驗證出東協區域論壇是個不健全的國際建制，並非所謂的區域性安全機制，對亞太區域安全的影響力也有限。 再者，經由對於亞太地區的主要衝突點－朝鮮半島核武問題、台海危機以及南海主權爭議等事件的討論，檢視東協區域論壇對於事件的處理、事件所做出的決議以及針對事件所發表的聲明，來評析論壇是否具有解決亞太衝突事件之功能。研究發現，東協區域論壇僅能對於衝突事件做出宣示性質的聲明，不具拘束力的決議，無法要求成員國自制，也使得論壇無法做出有效的解決，更失去了處理亞太區域安全事務的能力。 最終，歸結出東協區域論壇的缺失，以及無法有效發揮其安全建制的原因，筆者認為東協區域論壇最主要的缺失在於「制度化程度太低」以及「決議拘束力不足」，因而導致論壇缺乏安全建制的功能、議題無法被普遍討論、對衝突事件缺乏解決能力以及信心建立措施無法順利推展等問題。透過上述之討論，找出提升東協區域論壇解決事件效能之辦法，俾使其發揮安全建制之功能。 關鍵字詞：東協區域論壇、新現實主義、新自由制度主義、國際建制

Especialmente após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, a língua inglesa alcançou o status de língua franca mundial e vem ocupando um espaço cada vez maior na vida dos sujeitos contemporâneos, independente de suas origens ou localização geográfica. A presença maciça desse idioma no contexto brasileiro em materiais didáticos, romances, dicionários, gramáticas, roupas, produtos de beleza, músicas, videoclipes, filmes, séries de TV, livros de bolso, revistas em quadrinhos, revistas de informação, alimentos, tecnologia, ciência, modelos de comportamento e de educação formal produzidos e/ou associados aos países anglófonos – especialmente Estados Unidos e Inglaterra − possibilita que seja possível se pensar na produção de um universo da língua inglesa. Tal ferramenta conceitual refere-se à amplitude dos domínios, das práticas e dos discursos colonizados por esse idioma. Com base numa perspectiva que vê a linguagem como constituinte da realidade e a educação como um processo que não se restringe às instituições determinadas para esse fim, mas se estende a uma série de outros lugares, defendo que o universo da língua inglesa, presente em nossas vidas nas mais diversas materialidades, apresenta-se enquanto um dos elementos-chave da constituição dos sujeitos contemporâneos. Articulado numa lógica neoliberal de mercado, ele atravessa e constitui uma poderosa rede que produz determinadas formas de ser, estar, agir e pensar na contemporaneidade. Essa lógica está diretamente atrelada à transformação dos sujeitos em mercadorias, que são impelidos a consumir produtos, ideias, comportamentos, pessoas, empregos, códigos de conduta associados à ou forjados a partir dessa língua. O objetivo deste trabalho é problematizar o caráter imperativo do universo da língua inglesa na constituição dos sujeitos contemporâneos. Utilizo como ferramentas teóricas os conceitos de identidade, subjetividade, neoliberalismo, capital humano, ambivalência, governo, dispositivo, Império, comodificação do sujeito para analisar o corpus selecionado para a presente pesquisa. Este compreende videoclipes de músicas em língua inglesa, relatórios do Conselho Britânico, sites desta instituição e de cursos de inglês on-line, projetos de lei antiestrangeirismos, reportagens sobre o Movimento Inglês como Língua Única (English Only Movement), reportagens e anúncios de jornais e revistas publicados no Brasil que envolvam a língua inglesa. Os resultados desta pesquisa apontam para a abrangência e a hegemonia da língua inglesa como língua adicional. Eles confirmam que ela é uma poderosa linha de força do dispositivo neoliberal, articulada na produção de sujeitos consumistas, flexíveis, globalizados, que têm na mídia um dos principais locus de subjetivação. Esses sujeitos são comodificados e incitados a fazer investimentos constantes e infinitos em seu capital humano para se manterem atrativos e desejáveis. / Especially after the Great World War II, English has been considered a worldwide lingua franca and it has increasingly been playing a major role in people‟s live irrespective of their origins or where they are. The huge use of English words and expressions in textbooks, novels, dictionaries, grammars, fashion, beauty products, songs, videos, movies, TV series, pocketbooks, comic books, magazines, food, technology, science, behavior codes, and English-speaking countries educational models − mainly from the United States and England − makes it possible to think that an English language universe is taken place right in front of us. This concept refers to the wideness of its domain, practices, and discourses colonized in and through this language. Based on a perspective that sees language as part of our sense of reality construction and Education as a process that goes beyond traditional educational sets, I advocate that English language universe, which is part of our lives through many different materialities, is one of the key elements in the constitution of contemporary subjects. Linked up with neo-liberal market value rationality, it goes through and constitutes a powerful assemblage that produces specific ways of being, acting, and thinking at the present time. This rationality is directed to molding subjects into commodities prompted to consume goods, ideas, behavior codes, people, and jobs connected with or built through English. This work aims at problematizing the imperative of English language universe in the subjects‟ constitution. I use the concepts of identity, subjectivity, neo-liberalism, human capital, ambivalence, govern, apparatus, Empire, and commodification of subjects as theoretical tools in order to analyze the corpus selected for this research. It comprehends videos from songs in English, British Council reports and captures from its website as well as on-line English language schools, bills against foreign language use in Brazil, articles on the English Only Movement, as well as magazine and newspaper articles related to the English language. Results point out to English wideness and hegemony as an additional language in Brazil. They also confirm that this language helps to enhance and maintain neo-liberal apparatus, linked up with the production consumer, flexible, globalized subjects who have the media as the one of the main locus of subjectification. These subjects are commoditized and prompted to invest in their own human capital to keep themselves attractive and desirable.

Especialmente após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, a língua inglesa alcançou o status de língua franca mundial e vem ocupando um espaço cada vez maior na vida dos sujeitos contemporâneos, independente de suas origens ou localização geográfica. A presença maciça desse idioma no contexto brasileiro em materiais didáticos, romances, dicionários, gramáticas, roupas, produtos de beleza, músicas, videoclipes, filmes, séries de TV, livros de bolso, revistas em quadrinhos, revistas de informação, alimentos, tecnologia, ciência, modelos de comportamento e de educação formal produzidos e/ou associados aos países anglófonos – especialmente Estados Unidos e Inglaterra − possibilita que seja possível se pensar na produção de um universo da língua inglesa. Tal ferramenta conceitual refere-se à amplitude dos domínios, das práticas e dos discursos colonizados por esse idioma. Com base numa perspectiva que vê a linguagem como constituinte da realidade e a educação como um processo que não se restringe às instituições determinadas para esse fim, mas se estende a uma série de outros lugares, defendo que o universo da língua inglesa, presente em nossas vidas nas mais diversas materialidades, apresenta-se enquanto um dos elementos-chave da constituição dos sujeitos contemporâneos. Articulado numa lógica neoliberal de mercado, ele atravessa e constitui uma poderosa rede que produz determinadas formas de ser, estar, agir e pensar na contemporaneidade. Essa lógica está diretamente atrelada à transformação dos sujeitos em mercadorias, que são impelidos a consumir produtos, ideias, comportamentos, pessoas, empregos, códigos de conduta associados à ou forjados a partir dessa língua. O objetivo deste trabalho é problematizar o caráter imperativo do universo da língua inglesa na constituição dos sujeitos contemporâneos. Utilizo como ferramentas teóricas os conceitos de identidade, subjetividade, neoliberalismo, capital humano, ambivalência, governo, dispositivo, Império, comodificação do sujeito para analisar o corpus selecionado para a presente pesquisa. Este compreende videoclipes de músicas em língua inglesa, relatórios do Conselho Britânico, sites desta instituição e de cursos de inglês on-line, projetos de lei antiestrangeirismos, reportagens sobre o Movimento Inglês como Língua Única (English Only Movement), reportagens e anúncios de jornais e revistas publicados no Brasil que envolvam a língua inglesa. Os resultados desta pesquisa apontam para a abrangência e a hegemonia da língua inglesa como língua adicional. Eles confirmam que ela é uma poderosa linha de força do dispositivo neoliberal, articulada na produção de sujeitos consumistas, flexíveis, globalizados, que têm na mídia um dos principais locus de subjetivação. Esses sujeitos são comodificados e incitados a fazer investimentos constantes e infinitos em seu capital humano para se manterem atrativos e desejáveis. / Especially after the Great World War II, English has been considered a worldwide lingua franca and it has increasingly been playing a major role in people‟s live irrespective of their origins or where they are. The huge use of English words and expressions in textbooks, novels, dictionaries, grammars, fashion, beauty products, songs, videos, movies, TV series, pocketbooks, comic books, magazines, food, technology, science, behavior codes, and English-speaking countries educational models − mainly from the United States and England − makes it possible to think that an English language universe is taken place right in front of us. This concept refers to the wideness of its domain, practices, and discourses colonized in and through this language. Based on a perspective that sees language as part of our sense of reality construction and Education as a process that goes beyond traditional educational sets, I advocate that English language universe, which is part of our lives through many different materialities, is one of the key elements in the constitution of contemporary subjects. Linked up with neo-liberal market value rationality, it goes through and constitutes a powerful assemblage that produces specific ways of being, acting, and thinking at the present time. This rationality is directed to molding subjects into commodities prompted to consume goods, ideas, behavior codes, people, and jobs connected with or built through English. This work aims at problematizing the imperative of English language universe in the subjects‟ constitution. I use the concepts of identity, subjectivity, neo-liberalism, human capital, ambivalence, govern, apparatus, Empire, and commodification of subjects as theoretical tools in order to analyze the corpus selected for this research. It comprehends videos from songs in English, British Council reports and captures from its website as well as on-line English language schools, bills against foreign language use in Brazil, articles on the English Only Movement, as well as magazine and newspaper articles related to the English language. Results point out to English wideness and hegemony as an additional language in Brazil. They also confirm that this language helps to enhance and maintain neo-liberal apparatus, linked up with the production consumer, flexible, globalized subjects who have the media as the one of the main locus of subjectification. These subjects are commoditized and prompted to invest in their own human capital to keep themselves attractive and desirable.

Especialmente após a Segunda Guerra Mundial, a língua inglesa alcançou o status de língua franca mundial e vem ocupando um espaço cada vez maior na vida dos sujeitos contemporâneos, independente de suas origens ou localização geográfica. A presença maciça desse idioma no contexto brasileiro em materiais didáticos, romances, dicionários, gramáticas, roupas, produtos de beleza, músicas, videoclipes, filmes, séries de TV, livros de bolso, revistas em quadrinhos, revistas de informação, alimentos, tecnologia, ciência, modelos de comportamento e de educação formal produzidos e/ou associados aos países anglófonos – especialmente Estados Unidos e Inglaterra − possibilita que seja possível se pensar na produção de um universo da língua inglesa. Tal ferramenta conceitual refere-se à amplitude dos domínios, das práticas e dos discursos colonizados por esse idioma. Com base numa perspectiva que vê a linguagem como constituinte da realidade e a educação como um processo que não se restringe às instituições determinadas para esse fim, mas se estende a uma série de outros lugares, defendo que o universo da língua inglesa, presente em nossas vidas nas mais diversas materialidades, apresenta-se enquanto um dos elementos-chave da constituição dos sujeitos contemporâneos. Articulado numa lógica neoliberal de mercado, ele atravessa e constitui uma poderosa rede que produz determinadas formas de ser, estar, agir e pensar na contemporaneidade. Essa lógica está diretamente atrelada à transformação dos sujeitos em mercadorias, que são impelidos a consumir produtos, ideias, comportamentos, pessoas, empregos, códigos de conduta associados à ou forjados a partir dessa língua. O objetivo deste trabalho é problematizar o caráter imperativo do universo da língua inglesa na constituição dos sujeitos contemporâneos. Utilizo como ferramentas teóricas os conceitos de identidade, subjetividade, neoliberalismo, capital humano, ambivalência, governo, dispositivo, Império, comodificação do sujeito para analisar o corpus selecionado para a presente pesquisa. Este compreende videoclipes de músicas em língua inglesa, relatórios do Conselho Britânico, sites desta instituição e de cursos de inglês on-line, projetos de lei antiestrangeirismos, reportagens sobre o Movimento Inglês como Língua Única (English Only Movement), reportagens e anúncios de jornais e revistas publicados no Brasil que envolvam a língua inglesa. Os resultados desta pesquisa apontam para a abrangência e a hegemonia da língua inglesa como língua adicional. Eles confirmam que ela é uma poderosa linha de força do dispositivo neoliberal, articulada na produção de sujeitos consumistas, flexíveis, globalizados, que têm na mídia um dos principais locus de subjetivação. Esses sujeitos são comodificados e incitados a fazer investimentos constantes e infinitos em seu capital humano para se manterem atrativos e desejáveis. / Especially after the Great World War II, English has been considered a worldwide lingua franca and it has increasingly been playing a major role in people‟s live irrespective of their origins or where they are. The huge use of English words and expressions in textbooks, novels, dictionaries, grammars, fashion, beauty products, songs, videos, movies, TV series, pocketbooks, comic books, magazines, food, technology, science, behavior codes, and English-speaking countries educational models − mainly from the United States and England − makes it possible to think that an English language universe is taken place right in front of us. This concept refers to the wideness of its domain, practices, and discourses colonized in and through this language. Based on a perspective that sees language as part of our sense of reality construction and Education as a process that goes beyond traditional educational sets, I advocate that English language universe, which is part of our lives through many different materialities, is one of the key elements in the constitution of contemporary subjects. Linked up with neo-liberal market value rationality, it goes through and constitutes a powerful assemblage that produces specific ways of being, acting, and thinking at the present time. This rationality is directed to molding subjects into commodities prompted to consume goods, ideas, behavior codes, people, and jobs connected with or built through English. This work aims at problematizing the imperative of English language universe in the subjects‟ constitution. I use the concepts of identity, subjectivity, neo-liberalism, human capital, ambivalence, govern, apparatus, Empire, and commodification of subjects as theoretical tools in order to analyze the corpus selected for this research. It comprehends videos from songs in English, British Council reports and captures from its website as well as on-line English language schools, bills against foreign language use in Brazil, articles on the English Only Movement, as well as magazine and newspaper articles related to the English language. Results point out to English wideness and hegemony as an additional language in Brazil. They also confirm that this language helps to enhance and maintain neo-liberal apparatus, linked up with the production consumer, flexible, globalized subjects who have the media as the one of the main locus of subjectification. These subjects are commoditized and prompted to invest in their own human capital to keep themselves attractive and desirable.

Combining insights from critical discourse analysis (CDA) and neo-Gramscian IPE theory, this paper puts forth a cultural political economy (CPE) perspective to analyse the discursive articulation of ‘European subjects’ in the context of the EU’s Lisbon Agenda modernisation strategy. It is suggested here that the transformation proposed in Lisbon to the new economic imaginary of the knowledge based economy (KBE), depends on ‘new subjects’ and thus new discursive constructions of identities to reflect the new economic and social formations it envisions. The citizenship discourses of two of the Lisbon Agenda’s main supporters, specifically European business lobbies (represented by the ERT and LCEC) and the EU Commission, are examined in order to explore the relationship between citizenship rights and responsibilities and the two main goals of the Agenda, namely economic competitiveness/growth and social inclusion/social welfare protection modernisation. The argument is made that the discursive articulation of a ‘neoliberal communitarian’ variant of citizenship, especially evident in the discourses of the EU’s business lobbies and the EU Commission since the ‘shift’ to jobs and growth in early 2005, represents an attempt to further the commodification of the EU polity, and as a result, subordinate the more social goals of the Lisbon Agenda to the perceived imperatives of economic growth and competition. The Lisbon Agenda does not therefore mark a dramatic ‘turning point’ in favour of a more ‘social Europe’ as was speculated early on, but instead works to consolidate the dominance of ‘embedded neoliberalism’ as the socio-economic governance model for the EU. The paper ends with a discussion of the possible counter-hegemonic movements challenging the orthodoxy of embedded neoliberalism and neoliberal communitarian conceptions of citizenship.

Objectifs : Le mémoire examine la privatisation en Bulgarie à partir d'une certaine distance historique de 25 ans, pour démontrer les conséquences sociales présentement visibles, entre autres les inégalités sociales par rapport au développement économique; l’impact démographique aussi que les nouvelles structures et valeurs sociales. Méthode: Nous utilisons une approche à deux volets. Pour le développement socio-économique, nous étudions six variables constantes pour la période, telles que le nombre de personnes en dessous du seuil de pauvreté, le PIB, l'indice Gini, les dynamiques démographiques, le taux de chômage et l'indice de développement humain; Pour les changements sociaux, les nouvelles structures et les valeurs, nous utiliserons une approche qualitative, basée sur des entrevues, des questionnaires, des études de terrain, etc. Résultats: Nous constatons que les résultats obtenus par les deux méthodes, ceci comprenant leurs limitations, correspondent plutôt à notre hypothèse : la privatisation en Bulgarie était économiquement nécessaire, mais socialement destructive et a entraîné des conséquences sociales dévastatrices à long terme, principalement en raison des politiques et des pratiques de privatisation défectueuses. La privatisation a émergé de la théorie néo-libérale économique prédominant à l'époque. Les pratiques spécifiques utilisées dans la privatisation Bulgare ont favorisé principalement à court terme certains petits groupes sociaux, mais pas la société dans son ensemble. Conclusion: Nous constatons que la façon dont la privatisation bulgare a été menée a été socialement et économiquement nuisible avec des conséquences continues. À long terme, l'économie s'est rétablie, mais les divergences sociales ont toujours une tendance à croître. / Objectives : We look at the privatization in Bulgaria as defined above from a certain historical distance of 25 years, trying follow the visible now social consequences of the privatization, such as social inequality vs economic development; demographic impact and new social structures and values. Method: We use a two-prong approach. For the socio-economic development we study six constant variables for the defined period such as number of people below poverty line, GDP, Gini Index, demographic dynamcs, employment rate, and Human development index; for the social changes, new structures and values we use a qualitative approach, based on based on interviews, questionnaires, field studies, etc. Results: We find that results by both methods, with all the limittaions they have, rather align with our hypothesis that privatization in Bulgaria was economically necessary, but socially destructive and led to devastating social consequences, mainly as a result of flawed privatization policies and practices. It did emerge from the predominant at that time neo-liberal economic view and the specific practices used in the Bulgarian privatization favoured mainly in short term for some small social groups but for the society as a whole. Conclusion: We find that the way Bulgarian privatization was conducted was socially and economically damaging with long lasting consequences. In the long run the economy has recoverd, however the social divergences tend to grow.

There are many ways in which to define the relationship between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries. Using Holsti‟s definitions of role theory, this study distinguishes between the ego (the EU) and the alter (the ACP countries), referring to the differing perceptions that each has regarding the same issue: the Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs). It is argued that the EU carries out its external policies vis-à-vis the ACP countries, and in particular with the EPAs, in a manner that is perceived very differently by the two parties. The EU perceives its behaviour as that of Normative Power Europe (NPE) whereby actions are identified as altruistic and determined by a number of norms that form the core of the EU. Alternatively, it is suggested that in contrast to NPE, the ACP countries, with specific reference to southern Africa, experience and perceive quite a different version of the EU which is determined by Market Power Europe (MPE). MPE highlights a tangible and self-interested Europe not concerned entirely with altruistic intentions but rather the interests of its Single Market. The co-existence of these perceptions accounts for the difficulties faced in concluding the EPA negotiations. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2013. / gm2014 / Political Sciences / unrestricted

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本論文針對冷戰結束以來的十六年間，美國政府對中共角色與關係之定位，欲探討的問題具體言之是「為什麼美國政府再一九八九年以來，對中共的關係定位會在『戰略夥伴』與『戰略對手』間發生擺盪」。本論文首先指出，理性主義雖是解釋國際關係時較慣用的工具，然而不論新現實主義、新自由制度主義均無法對此研究主題提供一套有系統的解釋；本論文繼而發現，建構主義雖承繼部分理性主義的決策模式概念，卻能對上述關係定位變動做出系統性的詮釋。 本論文共計六章：第一章通盤概述研究的動機、目的、方法，並闡明整個主題架構及限制條件。第二章勾勒出老布希、柯林頓、小布希政府對中共關係定位的變化，完成本論文的「描述分析」，作為整體論述之背景。第三章依循理性主義觀點，發現新現實主義無法解釋何以美國在「確保相對收益」的考量下會與中共採取合作；再者，按照新自由制度主義「開創絕對收益」的邏輯，卻與美國視中共為戰略對手，並陷入人權、貿易、台灣議題等爭議的情況不相符。第四章介紹建構主義的主要論點，並針對何以選定溫特的主流建構主義提出解釋，再逐一檢視建構主義的本體論、認識論、方法論、世界觀。第五章依循國際權力架構、理念等兩大參考點，驗證建構主義之解釋力。發現「亞太扇型戰略」、「多層次統一戰線」、「新保守主義」、「攻勢現實主義」等理念，是美國政府為美、「中」關係定位的重要因素。從世界觀的角度切入，如果是霍布斯的文化架構，中共會被美國視為「戰略對手」；如果是康德的文化架構，中共會被美國視為「戰略夥伴」；如果是洛克的文化架構，美國會在接觸中保持戒慎。第六章為結論，認為儘管建構主義提供一個較寬闊的解析平台，但建構主義與理性主義並非必然相斥，尋求兩個典範之整合，乃成為本研究針對後續研究所提出的建議事項之一。 / This thesis addresses an issue regarding the US Government’s identification of the Chinese role as well as the bilateral relations between the two states during the past sixteen years ever since the end of the Cold War. It deals specifically with the following question: why the US administrations since 1989 have shuttled their identification of China between a strategic partner and strategic competitor? It firstly argues that rationalism, as conventionally an explanatory tool in IR, proves insufficient to provide a set of consistent answer. Unsatisfied, this thesis continues its argument that the question brought forth at the beginning can be effectively resolved, or interpreted, by constructivism, despite the constructivist rationale may not necessarily render rational choice model utterly invalid in this case. Structurally speaking, Chapter One gives a brief with respect to the whole thematic structure inclusive of purpose of the study mentioned above and research limitations. Chapter Two demonstrates an effort of descriptive study as a set of background information by sketching out different phases of identification about relations with China that have been harbored by successive US administrations from President Bush Sr., Clinton to Bush Jr.. Chapter Three can be seen as an account of this thesis’ trying effort to explore the question per se from the rationalist perspective. The findings in Chapter Three are as follows: Neo-realism fails to explain why the US, premised upon concern of relative gains, would have cooperation with China. Neo-liberal institutionalism, following the logic of maximization of absolute gains, is inconsistent with an answer to the question of why the US would not given in on the issues of human rights and trade deficits. The above findings are suggestive. They open up the need for this thesis to observe the Sino-US diplomatic interactions from a social perspective in IR, i.e., constructivism. Chapter Four ushers in main points of constructivism. Two arguments are therefore in order. First, it gives a justification for the choice of the mainstream of constructivism in IR advanced by Alexander Wendt. Second, to suit the purpose of this research, it funnels the ontological, epistemological, methodological arguments, world views raised by the constructivist school and thrashes out two reference points—world power structure and ideation—for further observations. Chapter Five brings up the main body of the argument. It argues that a series of ideas such as A Fan-mode Strategic Concept in Asia Pacific, Multi-layer United Front, Neo-conservatism and Defensive Realism have been influential on the US identification of the relations with China. They in turn strike an image of Sino-US bilateral relations reflective of three kinds of culture distinguished by constructivists. In Hobbes’ terms, China can be seen as a strategic competitor. In Kant’s, China is a strategic partner. In Locke’s, the US is engaged but remains sceptical. Chapter Six is the concluding part. It goes beyond the phenomena and moves into the theoretical realm by arguing that, although constructivism offers a broader analytic platform, rationalism and constructivism need not be exclusive. That much room for integration of the two paradigms becomes one of the recommendations for further researches.

Emerging markets such as India have witnessed waves of domestic and cross-border mergers and acquisitions. This historical analysis, which consists of two parts, tests central tenets of resource dependence theory. The first part entails an analysis of the transition in public policy governing corporations between 1991 and 2005. The second part tests hypotheses derived from resource dependence theory relating to a firm’s decision to acquire. The analysis explores the factors that explain why firms engage in mergers and acquisitions by examining three specific policy periods (i.e., 1991-1996, 1997-2001 and 2002-2005). The findings from the historical analysis suggest that firms did not merely react to the conditions (i.e., constraints on capital) in their environment by undertaking merger and acquisition activity, but attempted to alter them as resource dependence theory suggests. Findings from the event history logit model also support resource dependence theory. Overall, the study shows that merger and acquisition activity increased during a period of intense deregulation (i.e., 1991-2005) brought about by the adoption of neo-liberal reforms, change to the multilayer subsidiary form, deregulation of the banking and financial sectors’ and reforms in foreign direct investment and equity markets. During this period of uncertainty, firms controlling more resources in terms of earnings, efficiency and number of subsidiaries were more likely to undertake acquisition activity as they have leverage in organization-environment relationships. The effect of number of subsidiaries on acquisition activity was the most consistent across policy periods’. This dissertation is organized in the following manner: Following the introductory chapter, Chapter II is a historical examination of the three policy periods and includes an analysis of the effect of the political-legal environment on mergers and acquisitions between 1991 and 2005. Chapter III reviews the propositions of resource dependence theory that pertain to organizational change and presents research hypotheses related to mergers and acquisitions. Chapter IV describes the data, measurement and methodology employed in the quantitative analysis. Chapter V presents the findings from the quantitative analysis and discusses the results. The concluding chapter (Chapter VI) includes a presentation of the theoretical findings and discussion of the limitations and scope of the study.