Dr. Sun Yat-Sen overthrew the Ching Dynasty and set up the Republic of China (China) in 1911. While China was in the situation of internal disorders in 1949, the Communist Party of China acquired the reins of government, and the Nationalist Party of China retreated to Taiwan. After two sides of Taiwan Straits confronted each other for three decades, Mainland China carried out the Four Kinds of Modernization in 1976 and has been proceeding a series of reformation since 1978. Under the influence of open policies, the strained political relationship of two sides has become milder, and the economical exchange has been getting closer. Under effect of liberalism and market-oriented economy, Taiwan businessmen realized the transition of Mainland China market quickly and excavated enormous business opportunities. In the beginning, Taiwan businessmen entered Mainland China market by the form of small and middle-sized companies and gradually have engaged in large-scale investment in recent years. The interactive model of both sides has been progressively established by tight economical interchange. Liberalism and market-oriented economy have prevailed among big cities along the coast of Mainland China since two sides began economical interaction from 1978. Whatever political cost it takes, Mainland China does its best to rope in Taiwan businessmen and attempt to influence the policies of Taiwan government. The Nationalist Party of China in Taiwan oriented by Guidelines for National Unification adopted the policy of free marketed-oriented economy in the past. However, not until the crisis of Mainland China missiles happened in 1996, has Taiwan government chosen to select the Southward Policy to avoid relying on the economy of Mainland China excessively. On one side, the authorities of Taiwan have done its best to replace Hong Kong to become Asia-Pacific Regional Operations Center in recent years. On the other side, Taiwan has tried to repair the relation of both sides since the crisis of Taiwan Straits in 1996. Because Chen Shui-bian was elected as the president of Taiwan in the Taiwan president election of 2000, Taiwan went through the transfer of the regime for the first time. However, although President Chen showed good wills to Mainland China, Mainland took the attitude which refers to listening what President Chen says and watching what he does. Even though the promise of two sides entering WTO in 2001 respectively might bring the reconciliation, the interaction of both sides has seldom made concrete progress since 2000. After both sides participated in WTO, two sides have to face the challenges containing the differences of politics and economy, the confronting position of the system of government and the intense exchange of economy. Most importantly, how to build up the interactive channel of politics and economy is an urgent topic for both sides. The studying theory of this thesis is use the method of mutual demonstration from the vision of politics and economics, statistics analysis method, document analysis method, and historical method. Because the politics, economics, and political economy are related to the concepts of government, nation, and market, this thesis use the integrating vision to discuss the topic about how Taiwan businessmen invest in Mainland China. The basis of the thesis is depended on free market theory and national economism theory, assisting with the dependent theory and new liberalism focusing on global trend. The peaceful model of interactive developments of both sides which may follow the example of UN will make it possible to form an organization from the Chinese Economical Circle in Asia having the most population on earth to the Community of Asia. Even the political relationship of both sides seems tough and it is hard to negotiate a peaceful treaty, but the economical relationship of cross-Strait relies on each other more and more. As time goes by, the concept and ideas of both sides will integrate gradually. Therefore, both sides are trying to set up the duct of communication by legislation. So, if both sides want to make benefits, they should restart to negotiate, based on ¡§Mini-Three Links¡¨ to expand the way of communication. There are some points in this research: 1. The strategies of the investment of Taiwan¡¦s corporations are influenced by cross-Strait¡¦ politics. 2. The vision of Taiwan¡¥s companies to the market of Mainland China is gradually fading away. 3. The dependence of Taiwan¡¦s companies on both side governments is rising and falling. 4. What Taiwan¡¦s corporations want is to have air traffic or navigation proceeded as soon as possible for saving the cost. 5. Taiwan¡¦s corporations hope both governments can put the political problem aside and do their best to develop economy. There are some suggestions: the government of both sides should establish a peaceful and interactive environment of politics and economy, and Taiwan¡¦s corporation should think about the strategy about global overall arrangement and how to use the advantageous resources in Taiwan. The development of economy can¡¦t depart from the element of politics, and the simple factors of economy can¡¦t explain the success or failure of the development. In short, economy is functioning in the political environment in Taiwan government and in Mainland China as well. Therefore, Taiwan has to adjust the strategy actively to tie in the policy that Mainland China has held. So far, there are some blind spots between cross-Strait relationships. For the future, the key point of Taiwan¡¦s success is the cooperation between the government and corporations in Taiwan and to take the strategy of rooting in Taiwan and mapping out an overall planning and management in the world. Eventually, building up a harmonious cross-Strait relationship as quickly as possible is the best profit to Taiwan¡¦s corporations and the people of both sides.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-12T20:34:11Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MariaConceicaoCapa.pdf: 76651 bytes, checksum: 6ae93201185f06d3580165b921e1b248 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2005-12-08 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / During this work we identify the creation, crisis and reestrutuction of Imbituba Port, a port located in the south of Santa Catarina, it s emphasized also the impacts of new liberalism politics to the economic activities and to the job market. First it s described the portuguese colonization context in Santa Catarina during XVIII century, the history of Imbituba in the brazilian context in the end of XVIII century, when it was installed there a whales scaffolding. After, it s related the end of XIX century, where it s analysed the discovery of coal and its reflects to the economy of south region of the state of State Catarina and to the country. During the XX century, the arriving and the atuation of the Business Group of Henrique Lage in the region and its importance to the State, as a regulating machine to economy. It s emphasized the atuation of the state to the struturation of Imbituba Port, the cutting of government subsidies impacting to port activities. After, the reflects of new liberalism politics as the economy politic model adopted by Brazil, affecting the port activities, the Imbituba Ceramic Industry (ICISA), the Catarinense Carboquimical Industry (ICC) and perspectives to the activities of Exporting Process Zone (ZPE). Finishing, all acts adopted to take the Port from the crisis situation with the reestruction project adopted by Docks Company of Imbituba (CDI) as a concessionaire of Imbituba Port and social and economic problems that daily affects Imbituba city. / Neste trabalho, procura-se identificar o Estado na criação, crise e reestruturação do Porto de Imbituba, localizado no Sul de Santa Catarina, bem como os impactos da política neoliberal para as atividades econômicas e para a oferta de mão-de-obra no mercado de trabalho. Inicia-se com o contexto colonizatório açoriano em Santa Catarina no século XVIII, a história de Imbituba para o cenário brasileiro no final do mesmo século, quando foi instalada, aqui, uma Armação Baleeira. Em seguida, no final do século XIX, procura-se entender a descoberta do carvão e seus reflexos na economia do Sul do Estado e no país. No século XX, a chegada e atuação do Grupo Empresarial Henrique Lage na região e da importância do Estado, enquanto máquina reguladora da economia. No segmento, enfatiza-se o papel do Estado no aparelhamento do Porto de Imbituba, a retirada dos subsídios do carvão pelo Governo Federal, abalando o funcionamento do porto. Depois, os reflexos da política neoliberal, como política econômica adotada no Brasil, afetando drasticamente a atividade portuária, a Indústria Cerâmica Imbituba (ICISA), a Indústria Carboquímica Catarinense (ICC) e as perspectivas de funcionamento da Zona de Processamento de Exportação (ZPE). Finalizando, as medidas adotadas para retirar o porto da crise com o projeto de reestruturação adotado pela Companhia Docas de Imbituba (CDI) como concessionária do Porto de Imbituba e os problemas de ordem econômica e social que afetam diretamente o município de Imbituba.

<p>Due to the attention of several escapes, rescue attempts and hostage situations from Swedish prisons during the year of 2004 a debate about correctional system and safety arose. It resulted in official reports and proposals to improve the safety of the institutions. The incidents of 2004 will most likely have an effect on the discourse of the correctional system. The purpose with this study is to analyse which discourses that today can be distinguished in the correctional system and thereby will be the foundation of the correctional systemof tomorrow. </p><p>The method used to answer the purpose of the study is a Foucauldian based discourse analysis. A perspective of socialconstructionism that leans upon the thought that it through language and text is possible to read processes of society and power. Power is a central idea in the study. By discerning the activated instruments of power in the Swedish correctional system it is possible to analyse the discourses made visible by these instruments of power. </p><p>Two different discourses may in the analysis be seen as the main influence in the work of correctional system. The liberalistic idea of empowerment is visible in the work against relapsing criminals, where focus is set on personal responsibility and the will of adjustment as a way of reentering society. New liberalistic ideas represent the second discourse where power works threw surveillance and control. In a risksociety we must protect ourselves from threats and dangers, which makes the prison a way of keeping the criminals distanced from society. </p><p>Classification is activated, to make the two discourses co-exist, as a way to create reliability around the work against relapsing criminals. By reproducing the norms and structure of our society we classify the level of digression and thereby punish as a way of handling it. To find a new way in to the debate about correctional system perhaps we need to ask ourselves: What function do we want the punishment to have?</p>

Due to the attention of several escapes, rescue attempts and hostage situations from Swedish prisons during the year of 2004 a debate about correctional system and safety arose. It resulted in official reports and proposals to improve the safety of the institutions. The incidents of 2004 will most likely have an effect on the discourse of the correctional system. The purpose with this study is to analyse which discourses that today can be distinguished in the correctional system and thereby will be the foundation of the correctional systemof tomorrow. The method used to answer the purpose of the study is a Foucauldian based discourse analysis. A perspective of socialconstructionism that leans upon the thought that it through language and text is possible to read processes of society and power. Power is a central idea in the study. By discerning the activated instruments of power in the Swedish correctional system it is possible to analyse the discourses made visible by these instruments of power. Two different discourses may in the analysis be seen as the main influence in the work of correctional system. The liberalistic idea of empowerment is visible in the work against relapsing criminals, where focus is set on personal responsibility and the will of adjustment as a way of reentering society. New liberalistic ideas represent the second discourse where power works threw surveillance and control. In a risksociety we must protect ourselves from threats and dangers, which makes the prison a way of keeping the criminals distanced from society. Classification is activated, to make the two discourses co-exist, as a way to create reliability around the work against relapsing criminals. By reproducing the norms and structure of our society we classify the level of digression and thereby punish as a way of handling it. To find a new way in to the debate about correctional system perhaps we need to ask ourselves: What function do we want the punishment to have?

Orientador: Jose Roberto Rus Perez / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-10T19:41:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Vasconcelos_LuziaSiqueira_D.pdf: 1835400 bytes, checksum: 0b56e4ec07416b995324cf08da5401f8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Estudo teórico que aborda a Progressão Continuada, implantada no Brasil a partir da política educacional que promulgou a Lei de Diretrizes e Bases nº 9.394/96. A análise se debruça sobre o Ensino Fundamental - nível obrigatório e gratuito da educação - no qual a Progressão Continuada se situa e a política educacional que a instituiu. Contextualiza o complexo educacional no processo de reprodução social em sua forma capitalista, buscando traçar as mediações que atrelam o fenômeno em pauta à crise contemporânea do capital. O estudo resgata os princípios liberais que fundamentam a política educacional e a prática pedagógica, desde a instituição da escola pública no país, e pretende demonstrar que, se, por um lado, o mecanismo da Progressão Continuada favoreceu a universalização do acesso das crianças à escola, promoveu a correção do fluxo escolar e o saneamento dos investimentos públicos com a educação, por outro lado, criou, no seio da própria escola, novas e diferentes formas de exclusão educacional, promovendo a produção do analfabetismo escolarizado e a desestruturação da escola seriada. / Abstract: This is a theoretical study on Continuing Progression, which was implemented in Brazil through the educational policy emanated from LDB (Act.9.394/96). The present work analyzes Primary School - compulsory and provided by the government - in which the Continuing Progression Regime is contexted and also, the educational policy that has established it. It contextualizes education in the process of social reproduction under capitalism by seeking to outline the mediation that relates this phenomenon to the contemporary crisis of capital. This study rescues the liberal principles, which have been the foundation of educational policies and pedagogical practices since public school was first instituted in the country. In addition, it aims at demonstrating that, if on one hand, the mechanism of Continuing Progression has favored the universalization of school access to children, and the promotion of students as well as improved the public investment in education, on the other hand, it has brought new and different forms of educational exclusion to the core of school itself, producing illiteracy within school, and the disestablishment of serial school. / Doutorado / Politicas de Educação e Sistemas Educativos / Doutor em Educação

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-17T13:54:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Paula Ribeiro de Sousa.pdf: 551818 bytes, checksum: bc52a44a5c7dd93ce2c06899750da3e4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-04-28 / Study of the relationships between Brazilian educational policy in the context of the reformations of the 1990 s, and the political hegemony of new liberal thought in Brazil in the ambit of National Curricular Headlines for High School. It focuses on elements of present-day conjuncture and aims at reconstructing the process of constitution of hegemony of the liberal thought from the crisis of capitalism in the 1970 s. It analyses the general features of Brazilian educational reformation of the 1990 s, especially the influences of international organisms and the subjected attachment of Brazilian State to those influences, which materializes the new liberal consensus in Brazilian education, having as central focus the reformation of High School as presented in the National Curricular Headlines. It emphasizes that that conception relies on the contemporary pedagogical thought of competences for empregability, which reinforces the view of education as an economic and private investment, in conformity with the demands of new liberal capitalism for the training of competitive workers. / Estudo da relação entre a política educacional brasileira, no contexto das reformas da década de 1990, e a hegemonia política do pensamento neoliberal no Brasil, no âmbito das Diretrizes Curriculares Nacionais para o Ensino Médio. Enfoca elementos da conjuntura atual no sentido de reconstituir o processo de constituição da hegemonia do pensamento neoliberal a partir da crise do capitalismo na década de 1970. Analisa os aspetos gerais da reforma educacional da década de 1990, sobretudo a influência de organismos internacionais e a adesão subordinada do Estado brasileiro no sentido de absorver tais influências, materializando o consenso neoliberal na educação brasileira, tendo como foco de análise central a reforma do ensino médio e do ensino técnico, que originou a concepção de ensino médio presente nas Diretrizes Curriculares Nacionais. Enfatiza que essa concepção se identifica ao pensamento pedagógico contemporâneo, expresso na pedagogia das competências para a empregabilidade, que fortalece o caráter da educação como um investimento econômico e eminentemente privado e em conformidade com as demandas do capitalismo neoliberal no que se refere à formação do trabalhador competitivo.

The United Kingdom is imprinted in our historical memory as the birthplace of modern democracy, the rule of law and respect to private ownership. However, this memory reflects deep history of the 19th century rather than the present state of affairs. The English like other developed nations have acquired the policy of state interventions, nationalization of private enterprise for a compensation, fight against the economic cycle in an unprecedented consensus. Many of the contemporaries assess England through the prism of Margaret Thatcher, however, as demonstrated in this work, her right-winged policy proved an exception to the Conservative Party's rule. Historiography ascribes the reasons of the situation especially to the Labour Party. A number of history works limits the causality of the state growth to the onset of the Laborites. It is apparent, however, that the search for the reasons of the state of affairs needs to quest much deeper in history. Despite its name, the Liberal Party is an institution with a long tradition of state-positive thinking. It was the new Radical Liberals who arrived with a "ransom" theory as well as the program of urban socialism, which does not seem to be a symptom of the laissez faire era in the today's regulated world of private waterworks, gas and electric power...