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The subject of this bachelor thesis in political science has been to study how populistic rhetoric has evolved as a political phenomenon. The study has more specifically researched how presidential candidates have used populism in presidential debates. The bachelor thesis also studied if populistic rhetoric has changed over a time period between 1960 to 2016. To be able to study this, the essay has used critical discourse analysis to develop and understand how populism works. Ernesto Laclau’s On Populist Reason has also been used to create three models of understanding populism to develop the essays framework.  Through this the study has found that populistic rhetoric has come to be used more frequently in presidential debates. The study has also found that populistic rhetoric has changed form into a more aggressive style of rhetoric targeting the opponent’s character instead of the individual’s style of politics.

The diploma thesis named "Nixon-Brezhnev Summits in 1973 and 1974 in Czechoslovakian Press" deals with the presentation of summits between Leonid Brezhnev and Richard Nixon in contemporary Czechoslovakian dailies. It analyzes texts published by the media concerning the meetings in 1973 and 1974 in Washington and Moscow in the set period of more than one month around the meetings. Not only does the thesis research the degree of bias of the media content due to the ideological inclination towards the Soviet Union. It also analyzes the way in which the media in Czechoslovakia dealt with the presentation of both the enemy superpowers as partners. The theory part provides in introduction of the topic and basic historical context of the events. Furthermore it characterizes the respective meetings and the analyzed dailies. The practical part covers detailed qualitative content analysis of the selected representatives of the contemporary Czechoslovakian press, namely Rudé právo, Svobodné slovo, Mladá fronta and Lidová demokracie. Then the thesis compares the presentation of the respective summits and attempts to find the causes of the differences and trends in the in the presentation. As an addition the thesis also provides a comparison with similar meetings between Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev,...

En janvier 1969, lorsque Melvin Laird devient secrétaire à la Défense, son département doit faire face à la guerre du Vietnam. Il se retrouve avec un poste en crise de crédibilité, un département qui draine une grande partie du budget national et un puissant mécontentement populaire qui exige que les choses changent. Laird est devant un défi de taille. Alors que la seule option réellement mise de l'avant par le gouvernement Nixon est celle des négociations entreprises à Paris avec le Nord Vietnam, Laird réussit à influencer Nixon afin que soit appliqué en parallèle un nouveau programme qu'il nomme la vietnamisation. Ce programme vise à assurer le retrait des troupes américaines du Vietnam, indépendamment des résultats des négociations, en équipant et en formant les forces sud-vietnamiennes pour qu'elles prennent en charge la poursuite des combats. Afin d'assurer la pérennité de l'État sud-vietnamien après le départ des États-Unis, ce programme est aussi doublé d'objectifs civils (politiques, économiques et sociaux). L'historiographie de cette époque laisse généralement de côté l'apport du secrétaire à la Défense dans les évènements entourant la fin de la guerre du Vietnam. Elle concentre plutôt son attention sur les négociations de Paris en soulignant l'influence et l'importance qu'eut Henri Kissinger sur leur conclusion bienheureuse en 1973. Grâce aux nombreuses monographies sur le sujet, aux mémoires publiés par les politiciens, conseillers et militaires de l'époque, mais surtout grâce aux archives personnelles de Melvin Laird lui-même, nous nous proposons de démontrer la grande influence qu'eut Laird sur le président Nixon et sur les évènements ayant mené à la fin de la guerre du Vietnam. En passant en revue son long parcours professionnel, débutant au Sénat du Wisconsin en 1946, nous avons voulu faire ressortir l'évolution de sa pensée et de ses positions politiques, ainsi que retracer les liens qu'il a entretenus avec Richard Nixon au cours des deux décennies précédents leur arrivée au pouvoir. Ensuite, nous nous sommes concentrés sur l'année 1969, alors qu'en tant que secrétaire à la Défense, Laird travaille avec acharnement pour que soit mise en place la vietnamisation. Nous avons constaté le rôle déterminant qu'a tenu ce programme dans le retrait des troupes américaines du Vietnam, réalisant concrètement le désengagement américain, pendant que les négociations de Paris demeuraient dans l'impasse. Ce programme, qui fut institué comme la nouvelle stratégie des États-Unis au Vietnam, a permis de satisfaire une partie de l'opinion publique américaine, donnant le temps nécessaire au président et à Kissinger de poursuivre les négociations. La vietnamisation a donné au Sud Vietnam la force requise pour tenir tête au Nord Vietnam. De cette résistance ont découlé les accords de Paris ayant mené à la fin de la guerre, permettant ainsi aux États-Unis de tourner la page. Grâce à cette étude, il a été possible de cerner l'influence à long terme de la vietnamisation sur l'histoire américaine. ______________________________________________________________________________ MOTS-CLÉS DE L’AUTEUR : Melvin Laird, guerre du Vietnam, vietnamisation, Richard Nixon, Doctrine Nixon.

The President performs many roles, but one role of increasing importance over time is that of Chief Manager of the Economy. In the era of the modern presidency, there has been a growing institutionalization of the executive branch’s management of the economy. Presidents approach economic management differently depending upon their personalities, management style, and their time within both the crisis and the administration. Three case studies will be used to explore the differences and similarities in presidential actions during times of economic crisis: these case studies will examine the presidencies of Franklin D. Roosevelt, Richard M. Nixon, and William J. Clinton. The different methods and policy actions taken by these presidents are described as change oriented economic policy, electoral gain economic policy, and preemptive economic policy. This research will examine these methods to determine: 1.) How did each president approach economic policy? 2.) Were their approaches similar to a domestic policy or foreign policy? and 3.) What factors influence these approaches?

The diploma thesis The depiction of the Watergate scandal in the movies: Comparison of feature films and documentaries focuses on portrayal of journalists and the Watergate scandal on film. It illustrates this on examples of specific feature films and documentaries, which have been made about this topic. These particular movies are All the President's Men (1976), Frost/Nixon (2008), Watergate (2018), Our Nixon (2013) a Nixon by Nixon: In His Own Words (2014). In the first part of the thesis summarises the general history of the portrayal of journalists and media on film. It also contains the introduction of the key players in the Watergate scandal, which are Richard Nixon, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein. Furthermore, this part also describes the history of the newspaper The Washington Post and the Watergate scandal itself. The next part focuses on defining the basic terms used in the thesis, such as for example feature film, documentary, investigative journalist etc. The third and the last part, then concentrates on comparing and analysing the six aforementioned chosen films with the help of comparative method, which should lead to the final results. The primary question, in which this thesis focuses, is how (and if) the portrayal of the Watergate scandal differentiates in feature films and...

The purpose of this study is to investigate a contemporary model of argument analysis and pass judgment on the value of employing the Toulmin model in the analysis of complex arguments. This study investigates the nature of the model in its working relationship to variou arguments chosen for analysis, and form this process conclusions are drawn as to the model’s value and workability

In 1969, President Richard Nixon declared that the “spiraling costs” of medical care constituted a “crisis.” Medicare and Medicaid had been passed only four years previously, and had dramatically changed the way Americans accessed and paid for medical care. The ensuing three decades ushered in a renewed period of advocacy for health care reform with costs remaining a consistent focus. Proponents for national health insurance framed health as a human right emphasizing equitable access. Those advocating for private health insurance touted the power of the marketplace to contain costs through competition and freedom of choice. Throughout the debates, health reform advocates, insurance industry representatives, medical providers, and legislators repeatedly referred to the “health consumer” as the potential benefactor of such reforms. But this ubiquitous term remained ambiguous. Who exactly was the “health consumer”? The contests over the rhetoric of the health consumer as an identity, its uses and political alignments, were engaged through print, in research, in organized campaigns, and in discrete individual interactions with health insurance and the health care system. These interconnected systems of power informed and were informed by the language used to describe them, in the sense of “structuring structures,” extending to economics and the consumer movement, social movements and civil rights. Thus the ideological orientations of the terms of the debate, focused on the “health consumer,” have shifted often and have continued to be contested in a dialectic relationship. This analysis therefore takes place at those intersections where health consumers as individuals have confronted the private, for-profit sphere by making claims for health consumer rights. The utility and ethical implications of commodification versus rights language have consistently been at the center of these opposing views. This dissertation examines the evolution of the dialectic dynamic of these two approaches to better understand how health consumer rights advocates have confronted challenges to include their voices in health care debates from the 1970s to the late 1980s at the local, state, and national levels. Specific sites include the Office of the Commissioner of Insurance and the Center for Public Representation, both located in Wisconsin, as well as the national grassroots organization Citizen Action and the local chapter Massachusetts Fair Share. Moving beyond binary understandings such as "patients" and "non-patients," or even the "patient/consumer," the health consumer identity blurs distinctions of inclusion and exclusion and dramatically expands the framing of "who counts" in health social movements. The health consumer thereby has remained a locus of contestation and potential rhetorical power that can inform the more political use of the term for making rights claims, as well as the more economic approach that advocates for free market principles. As such, it is readily co-opted in movement/counter-movement shifts in language and political alignment. Such contests and co-optation frame each chapter in this dissertation. Ultimately, health social movements and the dynamic, even equivocal orientation of the “health consumer” identity may play a determinative role in how to move forward with health care policy reform that seeks to provide all Americans with equitable access to wellness, rather than vying to purchase health.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the arguments used by Richard Nixon relative to the key issues in the 1968 presidential campaign. The objective is to record and illustrate the persuasive appeals employed. This analysis makes an attempt to reveal what of substance was said by Mr. Nixon.

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