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This study aims to research the implications of Afro-Swedish women's relationship with their hair and how it pertains to their view of femininity and beauty. Four one-on-one semi-structured interviews with Afro-Swedish women were conducted to collect relevant material. During these interviews, the women shared their relationship with their hair, experiences relating to their hair in Sweden, and how and if it has affected their perception of their beauty and level of femininity. The findings of this study demonstrate that Afro-Swedish women relate femininity to hair that is associated with whiteness, which means hair that is smoother and straighter but also longer than the afro-textured hair associated with black people. The results showed how representations of black women in relation to beauty and femininity were seen as limited by the informants, as those were rarely there to begin with and/or only inclusive of lighter-skinned black women with wigs, weaves, straightened or relaxed hair. All the informants shared experiences of their hair being touched, with or without consent. Through comparison to earlier research, it was found that the experiences and opinions of these Afro-Swedishwomen were more similar than different to black women from the USA for example. To conclude, this study disproves the notion of Swedish exceptionalism in relation to the racialization and discrimination of afro-textured hair, as well as the not so colorblind representations of beauty and femininity. These results also show that there is a vast amount of information concerning the lived experiences of Afro-Swedish women, relating to hair and other themes, to be uncovered by researchers in gender studies.

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Most research on the effects of race on people’s lived experiences focuses on how race affects the lives of people of color. Since the 1990’s, a growing body of literature has focused on “Whiteness” in society. Most “Whiteness Studies” focus on how “White” developed as a racial category and how various ethnic/national groups (e.g., Irish, Italians, Jews, Germans) came to be included under that racial label. However, nearly a century ago, in 1935, sociologist W.E.B. Du Bois referred to the public and psychological wage for Whiteness—in part, meaning the societal gravity or weight that the label “White” tends to carry. Du Bois’ oft-quoted proposition has never been empirically tested. The present study used the experimental method to empirically test Du Bois’ proposition. Using mock job applications that were identical except that (1) the applicant’s photograph had been electronically manipulated to vary race (Black or Caucasian) and sex (male or female) and (2) the application either did or did not suggest the applicant had a pending criminal charge. Each participant evaluated one mock applicant on a variety of employment and personality scales. Major findings show a main, usually negative, effect of criminal records status on ratings. Interaction effects show that participants ranked Black applicants with a pending criminal record higher than Whites with a pending record, while the reverse was true when applicants had no criminal record. Social desirability bias, and other possibilities (e.g., heightened socio-political consciousness and identification) – are discussed as possible explanation effects, including absence of prominent race or sex effects. / African American Studies

There has been an increase in reactionary racial violence in the past eight years following the presidency of Barack Obama, and in response to perceived threats to the racial and cultural order posed by movements for racial justice and the refugee crisis. Complicit to the spate of organized racial violence are passive white bystanders, who, through their inaction, have tolerated and given free reign to a resurgence of racial violence. Only a minority of whites have responded to calls for solidarity from Black, Indigenous and People of Color (BIPOC). This study set out to uncover how these minority of whites respond to racism. Drawing on narratives and questionnaires of thirty-eight white persons, I begin with an exploration of the frames that shape participants’ understanding of antiracism. Three frames are discussed: the (a) equality and human rights frame, (b) anti-oppression frame, and (c) whiteness-centered frame. The core of this study is on antiracism praxis. I discuss two categories of praxis: quotidian antiracism and organizational antiracism. In the former category are three types of antiracism strategies: (a) confrontation, (b) counterclaiming, and (c) covert and clandestine antiracism. The latter category consists of equality and equity focused strategies in education that I distinguish based on setting: (a) classroom antiracism and (b) administrative antiracism. This discussion is enriched by an investigation of the enablers and obstacles of antiracism and what respondents consider when deciding to engage in bystander action. In conversation with Frankenberg’s (1993) ‘race-cognizance’ concept, I present a subsidiary antiracism awareness that I call self-implication cognizance. I detail five ways participants stop themselves from ‘racing to innocence’ by implicating themselves in the hegemonic order of whiteness. This study contributes a typological model of frames and praxis and a situated picture of enablers of antiracism to the scholarship of white antiracism. It also offers insights for progressive whites and organizations interested in racial justice, equality and equity. Subject keywords: antiracism, activism, whiteness, white racial identity, racial awareness, frames, enablers, obstacles, racism / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Some of the main goals of the present study are to understand what are the main problems that the “postmigrant generation” (descendants of immigrants, “mixed” people, and transnational adoptees) are forced to face in contemporary Norwegian society, how the authors present these challenges in diverse ways, and what strategies are put in place to critique and counter oppressive mechanisms. This means that it is also important to investigate the ways in which these works criticize a widespread understanding of the concept of Norwegianness, which a priori excludes all those who, for aesthetic, cultural, linguistic, and religious reasons, cannot be associated with a – false – idea of national homogeneity and Nordic purity. At the same time, it is intended to bring into focus all those cultural and linguistic practices and hybridisms that help to highlight how the old hegemonic paradigms are no longer able to represent contemporary Norway, whose national identity is constantly renegotiated in relation to migratory phenomena, which have triggered processes of transculturalization and transnationalization. In recent years, one of the most innovative and stimulating notions aimed at understanding this new era of migrations and hybridisms, which redefine societies from their foundations, is that of postmigration, which, among other things, proposes to consider the entire society as postmigrant, since migration has now greatly influenced not only the social fabric but also the identity status of European countries. One of the main goals of the postmigrant perspective is to overcome the dichotomies that contrast the figure of the migrant with that of the non-migrant, the idea of a homogeneous “us” with a “them” as a deviation from the norm, the majority population with minorities. This work seeks to combine the theoretical-methodological framework of postmigration with that of intersectionality. Intersectionality presupposes that the social, biological, and cultural categories of class, gender, race, ethnicity, sexual orientation, religion, age, disability, nationality, etc., are inseparable from each other if one wants to fully understand the identity of an individual or group of individuals and, above all, how systemic injustices and inequalities act simultaneously on multiple levels that overlap and intersect with each other. Chapter 1 is divided into three parts and is devoted to A) the theory, method and research objectives, B) the presentation of the postmigrant condition in Norway, and C) the description of postmigration literature – of which a new conceptualization is proposed based on the definition of postmigrant society – and the introduction of the works chosen for analysis: 1) Pakkis (Paki) by Khalid Hussain (1986); 2) Alle utlendinger har lukka gardiner (All Foreigners Have Their Curtains Closed) by Maria Navarro Skaranger (2015); 3) Tante Ulrikkes vei (Tante Ulrikkes Street) and 4) Gul bok (Yellow Book) by Zeshan Shakar (2017; 2020); 5) Kvinner som hater menn (Women Who Hate Men) by Sumaya Jirde Ali (2017); 6) La oss aldri glemme hvor godt det kan være å leve (Let Us Never Forget How Good It Can Be to Live) by Sarah Zahid (2018); 7) Hør her'a! (Listen Up!) by Gulraiz Sharif (2020); 8) Eg snakkar om det heile tida (I Talk About It All the Time); and 9) De må føde oss eller pule oss for å elske oss (They Must Birth Us or Fuck Us to Love Us) by Camara Lundestad Joof (2018; 2022); 10) Kvit, norsk mann (White, Norwegian Man) by Brynjulf Jung Tjønn (2022); 11) Da vi var yngre (When we were younger) by Oliver Lovrenski (2023). Chapter 2 focuses on the comparative analysis of two texts to show how themes and style change, from migration to postmigration literature, regarding the dynamism of migration-related social transformations in Norway. Chapter 3 focuses on the linguistic analysis of the only four novels written so far in the Norwegian multiethnolect (Kebabnorsk), while Chapter 4 aims to understand what translation strategies have been employed to render two of these novels in Italian. Chapter 5 discusses the multiethnic satellite towns on the outskirts of Oslo and how they are the focus of stigmatizing discourses of various kinds. Chapter 6 investigates the correlation between social class and migration background for descendants of immigrants, with a focus on processes of social mobility. Chapter 7 deals with Muslim Norwegians, Islamophobia and the counter-narratives deployed to fight stereotypes and as well as define their space within society. In Chapter 8, focusing on racialization and whiteness, an attempt is made to shed light on the processes of marginalization related to racial categorizations and the life experience of non-white people in Norway. In the conclusions, we reflect on how what has been said in the various chapters connects to the concept of Norwegianness, and in particular to the parameters of inclusion and exclusion from it in contemporary Norway. Norwegian society appears to be an arena in which conflicts, ambivalences, and negotiations occur. These can be traced back to the processes of identity and national redefinition that have been triggered by and related to migration phenomena. Certainly, the selected authors, through their works, contribute to criticizing and at the same time redrawing the boundaries of Norwegianness.

This dissertation examines and writes the early history of distribution and exhibition of moving images in Southeast Asia by observing the intersection of transnational itinerant entertainment and colonialism. It is a cultural history of turn-of-the-century Southeast Asia, and focuses on the movement of films, people, and amusements across oceans and national borders. The starting point is two simultaneous and interrelated processes in the late 1800s, to which cinema contributed. One process, colonialism and imperialism, separated people into different classes of people, ruler and ruled, white and non-white, thereby creating and widening a colonial binary. The other process was bringing the world closer, through technology, trade, and migration, and compressing the notions of time and space. The study assesses the development of cinema in a colonial setting and how its development disrupted notions of racial hierarchies. The first decade of cinema in Southeast Asia, particularly in Singapore, is used as a point of reference from where issues such as imperialism, colonial discourse, nation-building, ethnicity, gender, and race is discussed. The development of film exhibition and distribution in Southeast Asia is tracked from travelling film exhibitors and agents to the opening of a regional Pathé Frères office and permanent film venues. By having a transnational perspective the interconnectedness of Southeast Asia is demonstrated, as well as its constructed national borders. Cinematic venues throughout Southeast Asia negotiated segregated, colonial racial politics by creating a common social space where people from different ethnic and social backgrounds gathered. Furthermore, this study analyses what kind of worldview the exhibited pictures had and how audiences reproduced their meanings.

Cette thèse porte sur la régulation de l’accès à l’espace public des mouvements sociaux représentant les minorités ethnoraciales par l’identité collective de la Nation française. Elle interroge en particulier les processus d’ethnoracialisation des groupes sociaux représentés dans les médias d’information généraliste (les « blancs » et les « non-blancs ») ainsi que la manifestation de la blanchité (whiteness) comme rapport de pouvoir. Elle est basée sur l’étude, effectuée dans une perspective constructiviste d’analyse de discours, de la médiatisation de deux collectifs protestataires, Ni putes ni soumises (mouvement créé en 2002 pour lutter contre les violences de genre dans les banlieues françaises) et le Mouvement des Indigènes de la République (collectif né en 2005 pour dénoncer les discriminations systémiques dont souffrent les personnes issues de l’immigration postcoloniale), dans la presse quotidienne nationale dite « de référence » (le Figaro, le Monde et Libération) et au sein des journaux télévisés de TF1, France 2 et France 3.Cette thèse s’appuie notamment sur les théoriciens de la reconnaissance sociale et la notion foucaldienne de « sujet » ainsi que sur les résultats des méthodes quantitatives et qualitatives effectuées sur corpus. L’analyse, pour chaque groupe protestataire, de son processus d’événementialisation au regard de celle de son identité socio-discursive représentée dans les médias, a montré qu’à l’intérieur de la couverture médiatique de Ni putes ni soumises et du Mouvement des Indigènes de la République, se construit implicitement le Sujet de la Nation française. Ce Sujet, « citoyen modèle » de la communauté nationale en partie défini par son genre et son attribut ethnoracial, circonscrit l’accès à la visibilité sociale des mouvements de protestation et leur possibilité de participer au débat public. / This thesis focuses on the regulation of the access to the public sphere of social movements representing ethnoracial minorities by the collective identity of the French nation. It discusses in particular the ethnoracialisation processes of social groups (the “white” and the “non-white”) represented in the mainstream media and the manifestation of whiteness as a relation of power.It is based on the study, in a constructivist approach to discourse analysis, of the media coverage of two protest groups, Ni putes ni soumises (Neither whores nor submissive, a movement created in 2002 to fight against gender violence in the French working-class suburbs) and the Mouvement des Indigènes de la République (Movement of the Indigenous of the Republic born in 2005 to denounce the systemic discriminations against people of postcolonial immigrant origin), in the national daily press of “reference” (le Figaro, le Monde and Libération) and within the television news of TF1, France 2 and France 3.This thesis is mainly based on the theorists of social recognition, the foucauldian notion of “subject”, and the results of quantitative and qualitative methods conducted on the corpus. The analysis, for each protest group, of its process of becoming-event in relation with its socio-discursive identity represented in the media, showed that within the media coverage of Ni putes ni soumises and the Mouvement des Indigènes de la République, the Subject of the French nation is implicitly built. This subject, the “model citizen” of the national community, who is partly defined by its gender and its ethnoracial attribute, limits and defines the protest groups access to social visibility and their ability to participate in the public debate.

[pt] A avaliação de artigos brancos tratados com alvejantes ópticos, como eles são comuns em substratos têxteis, plásticos e de papel, é uma tarefa que tradicionalmente resulta em muitas divergências entre avaliações visuais realizadas em uma cabine padronizada e avaliações instrumentais realizadas com espectrofotômetros de refletância. Mesmo entre as avaliações visuais ou entre as avaliações instrumentais são encontradas diferenças muito além do aceitável. Uma das principais causas é a fluorescência dos alvejantes ópticos que é influenciada pela quantidade de radiação UV em relação com a radiação na faixa visível do espectro. O trabalho apresentado analisa as diferentes formas de avaliação, principalmente do ponto de vista da qualidade da distribuição espectral de potência do simulador de luz do dia. No caso das avaliações visuais, são testadas diferentes lâmpadas fluorescentes. Para as avaliações instrumentais, a calibração e o ajuste de UV em conjunto com as diferentes aberturas de medição são analisados. O objetivo é aprimorar os aspectos metrológicos da avaliação e contribuir para a sua padronização a fim de garantir a maior reprodutibilidade de resultados, um procedimento importante e almejado por todos os segmentos industriais que utilizam os alvejantes ópticos. / [en] The evaluation of white objects treated with fluorescent whitening agents, such as they are commonly found on substrates like textiles, plastics and paper, is a task that traditionally leads to frequent controversy between the visual evaluations performed in a standardized light booth and the instrumental evaluations performed on reflectance spectrophotometers. Even between visual or instrumental evaluations the differences encountered are far beyond the acceptable. One of the main reasons is the fluorescence of the optical brightening agents that is influenced by the amount of UV radiation in relation to the amount of radiation in the visible range of the spectrum. The work presented analyses the different forms of evaluation, mainly from the point of view of the quality of the daylight simulators´ spectral power distribution. In the case of the visual evaluations, different fluorescent lamps are tested. For the instrumental evaluations, the UV calibration and adjustment are analyzed together with the different measurement apertures. The objective is to improve the metrological aspects of the evaluation and contribute to its standardization with the aim to guarantee better reproducibility of results, an important procedure that is desired by all the industrial segments that use optical brighteners.