Submitted by Irene Nascimento (irene.kessia@ufpe.br) on 2017-03-13T18:53:17Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Tábata (versão digital).pdf: 643696 bytes, checksum: bb3afee5983f728f408ad9273c4e9edc (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-03-13T18:53:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Tábata (versão digital).pdf: 643696 bytes, checksum: bb3afee5983f728f408ad9273c4e9edc (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-26 / O objetivo deste trabalho é compreender nas ações do Coco da Xambá (Bongar e Coco do Miudinho) e do Grupo Cultural Coco de Umbigada a articulação político-cultural de demandas materiais e simbólicas de jovens dessas comunidades. As comunidades pesquisadas foram Portão do Gelo e Guadalupe respectivamente, ambas no município de Olinda - PE. A metodologia deste trabalho fundamentou-se numa abordagem qualitativa. Além disso, a pesquisa apresenta inspiração etnográfica, o que permitiu o acompanhamento de atividades promovidas pelos grupos de coco, bem como a elaboração de relatórios de observação. No que diz respeito ao procedimento de análise das informações, foi utilizada a Análise Crítica do Discurso, a qual tem como preocupação central as relações de poder e o que há de dominação e insurgência nelas. Os resultados apontam que a inserção em grupos de coco possibilita aos jovens geração de renda, a partir do desenvolvimento de habilidades que são funcionais ao mercado de trabalho, permitindo o acesso a ele, mesmo que de forma precária. Do ponto de vista do campo simbólico, a participação desses jovens no coco permite a elaboração de estratégias de superação de discriminações e preconceitos, através da afirmação da identidade, o que mobiliza ações coletivas. / Understanding the political and cultural articulation of young people’s material and symbolic demands in two communities, Coco Xambá (Bongar and Coco Miudinho) and Grupo Cultural Coco de Umbigada, is the aim of this study. The surveyed communities were Portão do Gelo and Guadalupe, both in the city of Olinda - PE. The methodology of this study was based on a qualitative approach with ethnographic inspiration, which enabled the researcher to monitor activities promoted by coco groups, as well as the preparation of observation reports. Regarding to analysis procedure’s information, we used the Critical Discourse Analysis, which has as its central concern power relations and their domination and insurgency. The results show that the inclusion in coco groups provide income generation to the young participants developing skills that are functional to the labor market, allowing their access to it, even if precariously. From the symbolic point of view, the participation of these young people in coco allows them to overcome discrimination and prejudice, through the affirmation of identity, which mobilizes collective action.

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Made available in DSpace on 2014-07-29T16:17:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 pre_textuais.pdf: 84593 bytes, checksum: 6bebe80d12bf4c1e3535c585e0b416bf (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-08-28 / This research proposes a systematic history of the first radio stations built in the State of Goiás, the story started in the 1940s, more precisely between the years comprising the period from 1942 to 1947. In this search for objective evidence to both the national and international historical context, as state and local time. It also proposed a theoretical discussion to examine these radio stations and in addition, a systematic timeline of the first experiments performed in Goiás communication through technological means of communication, occurring even before the emergence of the first radio broadcast, which occurred from in the year 1920. Finally addressed is the relationship of the first radio broadcast and other electronic media created in the state of Goiás until 1940, with capitalism, the state and political parties, and concludes with a discussion about the culture of the radio in Goiás. / Esta pesquisa propõe sistematizar a história das primeiras emissoras de rádio edificadas no Estado de Goiás, história essa iniciada na década de 1940, mais precisamente entre os anos que compreende o período de 1942 a 1947. Na busca por este objetivo evidencia-se tanto o contexto histórico internacional e nacional, quanto estadual e local da época. É proposta também uma discussão teórica para analisar estas estações de rádio e, além disso, uma sistematização cronológica das primeiras experiências comunicacionais realizadas em Goiás através de meio tecnológicos de comunicação, ocorridas antes mesmo do surgimento das primeiras emissoras de rádio, que se efetivou a partir do ano de 1920. Por fim é abordada a relação das primeiras emissoras de rádio e de outros meios eletrônicos criados no Estado de Goiás até 1940, com o capitalismo, com o Estado e com partidos políticos; e conclui-se com uma discussão sobre a cultura do rádio em Goiás.

全文壹冊，共約六萬字，除導論及結論外，另列四章，每章又分三至六節不等。 導論在說明研究之動機，採取之方法及引用之資料。第一、二兩章則分別敘述「政治 文化」及「意識型態」兩概念形成之原因，澄清概念定義之歧義，及確定概念所包括 之具體內容以確立分析之架構。第三、四兩章則本前述架構以陳述中國政治文化及毛 共意識型態之內涵。最後以導出中國政治文化與毛共意識型態二者之因果、主從等關 係為結論。 本研究以敘明現象及事實為手段，以確立概念所含之變數關係為目標，不作價值判斷 ，不作動向預測。

本論文共計一冊，分為五章十二節，全文約八萬字。 第一章為研究動機與研究範圍及方法 第二章為中共派系研究的探討分為三節 第一節 派系研究法之演進 第二節 中共派系研究之探討 第三節 派系與意見團體、利益團體、非正式團體、朋黨之關係 第三章 為派系衝突的形成原因 第一節 政治文化（心理）面向與派系衝突 第二節 政策面向與派系衝突 第三節 意識型態面向與派系衝突 第四節 權力為主的派系衝突 第五節 世代與其它因素與派系衝突 第四章 派系衝突的規則 第一節 派系衝突過程－語言、文字等象徵性符號的運用 第二節 派系聯合與分歧 第五章 結論

Seit Beginn der kriegerischen Auseinandersetzungen in der Ukraine und der anschließenden russischen Annexion der Krim ist das öffentliche Interesse an der neusten Geschichte Russlands und an Putins System international stark gestiegen. Auch im deutschsprachigen Raum sind in den letzten zwei Jahren auffällig viele Publikationen erschienen, die der aktuellen Situation in Russland und speziell dem russischen Machthaber gewidmet sind. Die Mehrheit dieser Veröffentlichungen stammt aus dem Gebiet der Journalistik oder Populärwissenschaft (Ewers, Philipp. 2015. Putin verstehen? : russische Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik der Ära Wladimir Putin; Reitschuster, Boris. 2016. Putins verdeckter Krieg; Bidder, Benjamin. 2016. Generation Putin: Das neue Russland verstehen, u. a.), aber auch einige Fachwissenschaftler wagen sich an die hochaktuelle Thematik, die weit über den wissenschaftlichen Bereich hinausführen kann.

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For the casual observer, the term "Iranian feminist" is often considered to be an oxymoron. However, what seems to be an ironic juxtaposition actually holds a great length of truth: for over a century now, Iranian women have been marching, screaming, and fighting for equal gender rights--all the while embracing feminist ideals. In fact, "feminity" is a political symbol that has been influencing Iranian politics for over 150 years. From the very beginning of modern Iranian history, women have always played a pivotal role within Iranian history, constantly connecting the personal to the political. This research aims to explore this phenomenon as an independent movement and as one comparable to American feminism. Three main topics are explored: theocratic restrictions, culture, and globalization. There are three methods of research that I have utilized as resources for this study: previous studies, statistical data, and interviews. The purpose of this study is to understand why and how feminism is increasing within the anti-feminist regime of the IRI. This study holds both theoretical and political significance and is designed to predict the future status of Iranian feminism through examining the conditions of the past and present.