As the problem of civil war is almost exclusively a problem of repeat civil war, this study seizes on the role peace agreement mandated dispute resolution mechanisms play in promoting agreement resilience to crisis. Despite the growing focus on prevention and sustaining peace, dispute resolution mechanisms in peace agreements remain understudied. This thesis contributes to this research gap asking, under what conditions do dispute resolution mechanisms promote post-agreement crisis resilience? This study argues that dispute resolution mechanism characteristics of structural adaptability and peace infrastructure integration promote post-agreement crisis resilience. Utilizing a structured focused comparison, this study examines all partial or comprehensive peace agreement mandated dispute resolution mechanism cases in the UCDP Peace Agreement Dataset 1975-2011 which experience post-agreement crisis and contain peacekeeping. Results show partial support for the hypotheses that dispute resolution mechanism structural adaptability and peace infrastructure integration promote post-agreement crisis resilience. Findings as well carry several limitations and also point towards the significance of other explanatory factors most notably peace agreement type.

Submitted by Elesbão Santiago Neto (neto10uepb@cche.uepb.edu.br) on 2018-05-14T20:39:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Rochele Karina Costa de Moraes Abumansur.pdf: 32162977 bytes, checksum: 427fdd6f08102d0be3803f15882a5097 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-14T20:39:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF - Rochele Karina Costa de Moraes Abumansur.pdf: 32162977 bytes, checksum: 427fdd6f08102d0be3803f15882a5097 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-19 / CAPES / This research has as its central objective comparative analysis of defense and security plans adopted by the Colombian government of Alvaro Uribe and Juan Manuel Santos, as well as its political and security agendas. This study considers the common defense and security as State Policy which is part of the common foreign to consider as the main threat to state security to Colombian guerilla activity, production of drug trafficking and human rights abuses suffered by the population. The time frame relevant to the purposes of the research extends the Alvaro Uribe government (2002 - 2010) to half of the first term of the government of Juan Manuel Santos (2010 - 2012), in as much as in the previous period only serves to support historic for understanding of recent events. The main conclusion of this study focuses on detecting differences and / or similarities between the security plans of both governments to resolve the matter then whether there is progress or setbacks in the solution of the Colombian conflict and the search for peace in that country. / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo central a análise comparativa dos planos de defesa e segurança da Colômbia adotados pelos governos de Álvaro Uribe e Juan Manuel Santos, assim como suas políticas e agendas de segurança. Este estudo entende a política de defesa e segurança como Política de Estado da qual faz parte a política externa para segurança e considera como principal ameaça à segurança estatal colombiana a ação das guerrilhas, a produção do narcotráfico e o desrespeito aos direitos humanos sofridos pela população. O recorte temporal pertinente aos propósitos da pesquisa estende-se do governo Álvaro Uribe (2002 – 2010) à metade do primeiro mandato do governo de Juan Manuel Santos (2010 – 2012), na medida em que o período anterior apenas nos serve de suporte histórico para entendimento dos acontecimentos recentes. A principal conclusão deste estudo incide em detectar diferenças e/ou semelhanças entre os planos de segurança de ambos os governos para então solucionar a questão de saber se há progressos ou retrocessos na solução do conflito colombiano e na busca pela pacificação daquele país.

While issues remain under-researched, peace agreement success has been linked primarily to the proper treatment of the parties’ security-related concerns. This study explores why some peace agreements succeed while others fail by using an issue-based approach arguing that issues are an expression of underlying grievances, which have caused the rebel groups to engage in armed conflict. Therefore, peace agreements that do not address the issues, which reflect grievances, will fail. I tested the hypothesis and the proposed theoretical relationship through the structured focused comparison of three peace agreements: The Lomé Peace Agreement, the Accra Peace Agreement and the Final Agreement National Government – Popular Liberation Army. The method employed in this study comprised first, determining the salience the rebel groups assigned to their issues -for which it was necessary to create a measure for issue salience- and second, examining the peace agreement’s provisions to determine if the rebel group’s issues were addressed. The results show that peace agreements that included the salient issues of the groups failed; however, peace agreements that did not include them, succeeded. Hence, the findings suggest that the inclusion of the rebel group’s issues in the peace agreement cannot account for the agreement’s success or failure.

Si l’explosion du système Est-Ouest marque la fin de l’idée de confrontation globale en tant que modèle de la guerre depuis la fin du second conflit mondial, on doit plus fondamentalement s’interroger sur les changements intervenus depuis les années 90 en ce qui concerne le statut de la guerre elle-même et sur le rôle des opérations de paix dans les relations internationales. Les crises politiques découlant de conflits internes sont des sources de déstabilisation et de fragilisation des institutions locales qui subissent le tumulte et affaiblissent la capacité des acteurs à sortir d’une telle situation politique. La nécessité de renforcer les capacités locales pendant cette période charnière afin d’éviter les crises récurrentes se traduit par la présence de la Communauté internationale qui déploie une multitude de stratégies. Il existe en effet, dans la grammaire des Nations Unies, un continuum de modes de gestion des crises qui va des formes les plus réservées de la persuasion à certaines modalités de diplomatie coercitive, impliquant un usage limité de la violence. Lorsqu’on examine les opérations de paix en RDC, un ensemble dynamique de tensions et de liaisons, oscillant entre ordre et désordre dans ses expressions institutionnelles, le constat qui se dégage est que la question de la paix exige une analyse qui prenne en compte plusieurs facteurs. D’où le recours à une approche interdisciplinaire, mobilisant des courants critiques au sein des relations internationales tout en alliant la sociologie des relations internationales. Notre approche interdisciplinaire qui est au centre de cette thèse peut aussi être d’un grand intérêt dans le renforcement de l’approche polémologique, elle-même fort utile pour appréhender les modalités de gouvernance par les groupes politico-militaires. Notre étude s’attache à évaluer la pertinence et la cohérence des pratiques et conduites des acteurs internationaux pour mieux dégager les contours axiologiques et idéologiques de la gestion des crises itératives. / If the explosion of the East/West system marks the end of the idea of global confrontation as model of the war since the end of the second world conflict, we more fundamentally have to wonder about the changes which took place since the 90s as regards the status of the very war and about the role of the peace operations in the international relations. The political crises ensuing from internal conflicts are sources of destabilization and weakening of the local institutions which undergo the tumult and weaken the capacity of the actors to go out of such a political situation. The necessity of strengthening the local capacities during this pivotal period to avoid the recurring crises is translated by the presence of the international community which spreads a multitude of strategies. There is indeed in the grammar of United Nations a continuum in the modes of crises’ management which goes the most reserved forms of the persuasion to certain modalities of coercive diplomacy, implying a use limited by the violence. When we examine the peace operations in RDC, dynamic set tensions and connections, oscillating between order and disorder in its institutional expressions, the report which gets free is that the question of the peace requires an analysis which takes into account several factors. Hence the use of an interdisciplinary approach, involving both critical currents in international relations (critical constructivism) while combining the sociology of international relations. Our study attempts to estimate the relevance and the coherence of the practices and the conducts of the international actors in a better way axiological and ideological outlines of the management of the iterative crises.

This study is a critical examination of the complex search for peace, reconciliation and unity in Zimbabwe between the years 1978 and 2008, with a view to identify factors that have been blocking sustainable peace, national unity, reconciliation and development. It is a qualitative study which draws data from document analysis and oral interviews. The specific focus of the study is an analysis of the four peace agreements signed in this period namely; the 1978 Internal Settlement, the 1979 Lancaster House Agreement, the 1987 Unity Accord and the 2008 Global Political Agreement. Its central thesis is that coloniality in its multifaceted invisible forms is largely responsible for conflicts that have engulfed Zimbabwe and for compromising the chances of success of the four peace agreements. Coloniality has produced a ‘postcolonial’ leadership that has continued to practice politics in a violent, repressive, corrupt and unaccountable manner because of interpellation by the very immanent logic of colonialism that reproduces such inimical practices as racism, tribalism, regionalism and patriarchy. Theoretically, the study deploys de-colonial epistemic perspective in its endeavour to unmask and explain challenges to peace, unity, reconciliation and development in Zimbabwe. Finally, the thesis makes a strong case for pursuit of decoloniality as the panacea to conflicts and as an approach to conflict resolution and peace building that privileges decolonization and deimperialization so that Zimbabwe’s development goals could be achieved. / Development Studies / D. Litt. et Phil. (Development Studies)

The concept of genocide is probably the most debated subject in Holocaust and genocide studies. The political implications to its usage, or resistance to do so, have also been lengthily discussed. Yet, when it came to the legal sphere of the concept it has been mostly descriptive, without much theorizing on the politicization of the convictions of genocide. This study investigates the relation between the International Criminal Tribunals for the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda application of the crime of genocide and how these judgements were informed. Through the court’s transcripts of a number of selected cases, the research will analyze the application qualitatively, identifying the key factors that determined its usage. The analyses rest on the legal and political aspects that influenced the chambers, evaluating which one explains best. The results indicate that there is no single explanation and that both legal and political reasonings merge in the international legal arena. The courts’ decisions have many inconsistencies that cannot be accounted by a solo description. Thus, matters of law interpretation, conflict’s ending, postcolonialism, and legitimacy all take a tool when convicting or acquitting someone for the crime of genocide.

No description available.

Following conflict, peace agreements bring an opportunity to profoundly change societal structures and add to women’s empowerment. Using affirmative action tools like electoral gender quotas, women’s numerical presence, or descriptive representation, has more than doubled since the 1995 Beijing Declaration. However, women’s descriptive representation does not always result in women’s representation beyond numbers, or substantive representation. This thesis aims to solve why quotas do not always lead to a rise in women’s substantive representation by exploring one possible explanation: the effect of women’s rights provisions in peace agreements on the outcomes of electoral gender quota-implementation. It argues that women’s rights provisions in peace agreements can affect policymaking outcomes in the postwar context in terms of increased substantive representation of women. The thesis employs the method of structured, focused comparison to compare the two post-war countries, Nepal and Angola. It finds support for the hypothesis that electoral gender quotas implemented following a peace agreement with women’s rights provisions leads to a larger increase in women’s substantive representation than those implemented following a peace agreement without such provisions. However, further qualitative cross-case analysis and large-n quantitative research are needed to draw more certain conclusions.