Au début des années 2000, le Ministère de la Justice encourage les magistrats à recourir davantage aux comparutions immédiates, ce qui entraîne une hausse de leur usage. Les politiques publiques, ainsi que l’analyse écologique, sont pourtant insuffisantes pour expliquer les évolutions très contrastées d’un territoire à l’autre. Les pratiques des magistrats sont en réalité le produit de leurs positions respectives au sein d’une configuration locale ainsi qu’au sein d’une configuration nationale, cette position dépendant de leurs propriétés sociales singulières. Ces configurations sont des systèmes d’interdépendance structurés, à la fois stables et toujours mouvants, lesquels contraignent les pratiques des individus. Dans la configuration nationale, les pratiques d’un magistrat dépendent de la position de sa juridiction dans la « compétition » pour les comparutions immédiates, ainsi que des propriétés sociales du procureur. Surtout, ces politiques locales sont le produit de la structuration des alliances et des oppositions mettant en jeu une pluralité d’acteurs locaux, magistrats, policiers, avocats et journalistes régionaux. / At the beginning of the 2000s, the Ministry of Justice encouraged magistrates to resort to comparutions immédiates, which leads to an increase of their use. Public policy, as well as the ecological analysis, are nevertheless insufficient to explain the widely different evolutions from a territory to the other one. Magistrates’practices are also the product of their respective positions within a local figuration as well as within a national one, this position depending on their own social properties. These figurations are structured systems of interdependence,characterized by stability as well as by permanent movement, and they force individual practices. In the national figuration, a prosecutor’s practices depend on the position of his court in the “competition” for comparutions immediates, as well as on the social properties of the prosecutor. Especially, these local policies are the product of the structuration of the alliances and oppositions involving a plurality of local actors, such as magistrates,policemen, lawyers and regional journalists.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T14:21:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Isabel Maria de Sousa.pdf: 335945 bytes, checksum: 7a08a02b9414890e9241743f00e0465a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2004-02-18 / This study has the objective to investigate human violence, such as homicide, committed under emotional or passionate states, that holds crime as a human characteristic. Throughout this theme, the thesis states that crimes committed under these emotional states cannot be used to justify homicide, or to lower penal sentences, but to explain them. Emotion and passion can only eliminate penal sentences when derived from psychological pathologies that incapacitate the understanding and wanting of the person. Crimes of passion have an integrated cognitive conscience and affection, failing the murderer only the ethical control over his decisions. The thesis also states that passion that kills doesn't derive from love or honor, but from a homocidal instinct. However, the passional murderer is responsible for the legal consequences of the crime. The case study explores the subject object world relationship, under various perspectives: such as psychological and psychiatric points of view, being the reason why this study focuses on the fenomenological method of diagnosing the subjects researched. The analysis of the results shows the need to better comprehend the facts and experiences of passionate homicide, to create a rupture in the legal penal system, in its process, diagnosis and penal sentences. / Este estudo tem o objetivo de investigar a violência humana no crime de homicídio, cometido sob os estados emotivos ou passionais, situando-se em uma vertente que apreende o crime como fenômeno real, humano. Ao enfrentar o tema, a sustentação recai na tese que os estados emocionais ou passionais não podem ser utilizados como componentes para justificar o homicídio, diminuir ou atenuar a pena, senão para explicá-lo. A emoção e a paixão somente podem elidir a imputabilidade penal quando derivadas de patologias do psiquismo humano, que impedem a capacidade de entender e querer do agente. No crime passional, os aspectos afetivo e cognitivo da consciência mantêm-se íntegros, faltando ao homicida o domínio ético sobre suas decisões. Também se sustenta que a paixão que mata não deriva do sentimento de amor ou de honra íntima, mas de instinto homicida. Portanto, o criminoso passional é imputável e responsável pelas conseqüências jurídicas do crime. O estudo de caso explora a relação sujeitoobjeto- mundo, sob perspectivas psicológica, psiquiátrica, psicopatológica e jurídico-penal, razão pela qual este estudo focaliza a aplicação do método fenomenológico no diagnóstico dos sujeitos pesquisados. A análise de resultados assinala a necessidade de aprofundar a compreensão da experiência e dos fatos homicidas considerados passionais, para provocar uma ruptura do pragmatismo dogmático do sistema jurídico penal no processo de seu diagnóstico, imputação, imputabilidade e penalização.

Cette thèse interroge l'apparente contradiction scalaire entre la proclamation de lois spatialement uniforme à l'échelle nationale et la territorialisation des populations françaises. Elle essaye de comprendre comment le système judiciaire hexagonal réussit à concilier ses exigences constitutionnelles d'indivisibilité et d'égalité avec la pluralité des territoires. L'analyse, enchevêtrant une démarche qualitative et une démarche quantitative par l'exploitation des données des juridictions et du casier judiciaire national, permet de conclure que les institutions judiciaires sont productrices d'injustices. Plus ou moins asphyxiés par les flux de délits à réprimer, les tribunaux de grande instance ne condamnent pas uniformément à l'échelle nationale, d'autant plus qu'ils doivent suivre les priorités définies dans la politique pénale du procureur de la République. Possédant une propension diverse à devenir de véritables acteurs politiques de leur territoire, les chefs du parquet jouent ainsi un rôle essentiel de passeur scalaire mais accentuent l'iniquité du système pénal. En effet, l'égalité proclamée comme un des fondements de la République française est abandonnée au profit d'une stigmatisation des territoires les plus défavorisés qui sont plus sévèrement condamnés que ne laisserait attendre la géographie des délits alors même qu'ils sont oubliés dans les politiques de prévention de la délinquance. Rompant dès lors complètement avec le principe de l'équité, les institutions judiciaires accentuent les fractures socio-spatiales du territoire français. Ces processus de fragmentation révèlent d'une part la pertinence de l'analyse de la justice pénale par la géographie et d'autre part l'impossibilité de ne penser une amélioration du système judiciaire qu'en vase-clos. / This thesis questions the seeming scalar contradiction between the spatially uniform proclaiming of laws on a national scale, and the public policy approach that focuses on the territory of French populations. It tries to understand how the French judiciary system succeeds in conciliating its constitutional demands of indivisibility and equality together with the plurality of territories. The analysis, mixing a quality and a quantitative approach by using the data of jurisdictions and the national police recrod, allows concluding that judiciary institutions produce injustices. More or less suffocated by the number of offences to be punished, the district courts do not condemn uniformly on the national level, all the more since they must follow the priorities defined in the penal policy by the public prosecutor. Having a different propensity to become genuine political actors in their territory, the public prosecutors are thus playing an essential part as scalar linkmen, but stress the iniquity of the penal system. Indeed, the equality claimed as a base of the French Republic, is forgotten in the benfit of a stigmatization of the most disadvantaged territories, which are more severely condemned that the geography of offences would expect, even when they are forgotten in the policies of deliquency preventing. Thus breaking totally with the principle of equity, the judiciary institutions stress the social-spatial dislocations of the French territory. These processes of fragmentation disclose that on the one hand, an analysis of the penal justice through geography is relevant, and on the other hand that it is impossible for a closed group only to think the improvement of the judiciary system.

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La dynamique d’intégration économique dans la sous-région CEMAC s’est fondée sur le principe de la libre circulation des personnes, des biens et des capitaux. Aidée par l’ouverture des frontières, les personnes se déplacent d’un pays à l’autre, pour des raisons aussi bien économiques que sécuritaires, conséquence de l’instabilité politique récurrente dans certains pays comme le Tchad, la Centrafrique et le Congo. Le problème majeur qui se pose sur le plan pénal est celui de la prévention et de la répression de la délinquance domestique et transfrontalière tant il reste classique que pour le secondpoint, le droit pénal reste d’application territoriale. Aujourd'hui, il devient nécessaire d’éviter que l’intégration sous régionale ne se mue en une véritable tranchée de refuge, une sorte de paradis pénal pour les délinquants qui ont commis des actes répréhensibles dans un autre Etat de la zone ou dans un Etat hors zone CEMAC ; bien que sur le plan national, d’énormes difficultés demeurent latentes. Au plan national, les Etats s’efforcent à renforcer leurs instruments pénaux à l'instar du Cameroun (CPP, 2005), de la Centrafrique (CP et CPP, 6 janvier 2010) et du Tchad (Prajust, 2008). Sur le plan communautaire, les Etats de la CEMAC ont mis l’accent sur la coopération policière et surtout judiciaire, nécessaire pourjuguler toute transgression causée par des « parasites et microbes sociaux ». Certes, le législateur communautaire ne peutque capitaliser à certains égards, les acquis de son homologue de l’OHADA et de s’ouvrir davantage à l’expérience del’Union européenne. / The dynamics of economic integration in CEMAC’s region is based on free movement of people, goods and capital. Helped by the opening of the borders, people are free to move from one country to another for economic and security reasons. This is the consequence of instability in many countries such as Central African Republic, Chad and Congo. The major problem is that, how to manage delinquency specially the prevention or the repression of the national and the cross border criminality? In fact, it is nowadays advisable not to allow the countries which are welcoming foreigners to behave as a paradise in such a way that, those who have troubled the national order should not be punished. Even though at the national level there are still some misunderstandings concerning the criminal law. At the national level and particularly as far as Cameroon is concerned, the main aim which is to fight against criminality has many problems, especially modernity way through which our court is passing. According to the Cameroon (new Code of criminal procedure of july 2005), CAR (two new codes, penal and criminal procedure, 2010) and Chad (Prajust, 2008) . As far as community is concerned, CEMAC has really specialize, in police cooperation, which is necessary to over pass all the transgression, which are caused by social nuisants. Actually, the legislator can capitalize the expertise of OHADA’s book, and open himself to European Union experience