Este trabalho tem como objetivo estudar os imaginários sociais sobre os trabalhadores no varguismo e no peronismo. Posteriormente, pretendemos comparar os imaginários sociais sobre os trabalhadores no Estado Novo (1937-1945) com os do Primeiro Peronismo (1946- 1955), visando estabelecer aproximações e distanciamentos entre os mesmos. Para lograr o objetivo, analisaremos os discursos políticos de Getúlio Vargas e Juan Domingo Perón em duas festas cívicas específicas de seus países, isto é: 10 de novembro e o Primeiro de Maio, entre os anos 1937-1945, no Brasil; e o 17 de outubro e o Primeiro de Maio, entre os anos 1946-1955. A partir da análise dos discursos políticos, sobretudo relacionados aos imaginários sociais sobre os trabalhadores, propomos a ideia de uma (re) invenção dos trabalhadores, composta pela combinação de aspectos imateriais ou simbólicos com os aspectos materiais. / This work aims to study the social imaginary on workers in Varguism and Peronism. Subsequently, we intend to compare the social imaginary of workers in the Estado Novo (1937-1945) with the Primeiro Peronismo (1946-1955), to establish similarities and differences between them. To achieve the goal, we will analyze the political speeches of Getúlio Vargas and Juan Domingo Perón in two specific civic events in their countries: 10 of November and the first of May, between the years 1937-1945, in Brazil; and the 17 of October and the first of May, between the years 1946-1955. From the analysis of the political discourse, particularly in relation to social imaginary about the workers, we propose the idea of a reinvention of workers, composed by the combination of immaterial or symbolic aspects with the material aspects.

This thesis deals with the period of nearly ten years of the first governance period of Juan Domingo Perón. In this era were established bases of peronist movement, whose legacy is presented in Argentine politics till these days. This period represents a fundamental turning point in Argentine history, both from the politic and socio-economic points of view. The thesis is divided into four major chapters. The first one outlines the status of Argentine society and the economy in the context of the international situation before Perón became Argentine president. Another three chapters deal directly with the period of Perón's government. The first one deals with three fundaments of peronist economic policy of initial period, which included economic nationalism and etatism, industrialization and especially massive redistribution policy. The second chapter analyses the socio-economic aspects of peronist constitutional reform of 1949, economic development at the end of Perón's first presidency and development in the agricultural sector during his first presidency. Final chapter examines changes in economic policy during the second Perón's presidency and causes of his deposition.

This thesis deals with socio-economic aspects of Peronism in Argentina. It focuses on the changes and development of Peronism since the first government of Juan Doming Perón till now. The main purpose of this thesis is to map, describe and compare individual periods of Peronism and to define why is Peronism in Argentina still so popular among multitudes. The thesis is divided into eight parts. First chapter is seeking for the right definition of Peronism from different points of view. The next four chapters refer to the three governments of Perón. Sixth and seventh chapter deals with the first and second presidency of Carlos Menem and economic and political situation of the Argentine state. Eight chapter is dedicated to the last peronist governemt of the presidential couple of Kirchner.

This master's thesis describes economic and socio-political development of Argentina from 1976 up until the current situation. The last chapter introduces the perspectives of the future development as well. During this period, Argentina experienced a lot of changes when the country switched from policy of ISI to neoliberalism which was the main policy of Argentina from 1976 until the default in 2001, with the exception of Alfonsín's presidency. The thesis deals with the main causes of this default. The next part of the work examines what led the country to the economic recovery after 2002 and explains the changes that have occured during the period of Kirchnerism.

No description available.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T17:55:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jeu_Daitch_de_Castilho.pdf: 1673052 bytes, checksum: 0af87617edbfc4c9fc285776ea3601d6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-06-16 / The objective of this dissertation is to address the interpretation of the first cycle performed by the peronist Argentine intellectuals Silvio Frondizi (1907-1974) and Milcíades Peña (1933-1965). Therefore, it is possible to think them as templates in the Gramscian organic intellectuals linked to the Argentine working class. Data sources consisted of the main books in which they interpret Peronism (La realidad argentina; Masas, caudillos y elites) were used. Well as articles, pamphlets and newsletters published by various left-wing groups in the 1950s The discussion initially presents an analysis intellectual trajectory of militants with emphasis on the major personal events in the ten years of classical peronism (1945-1955), time to maturity under the ideological marxist standpoint. Also noteworthy is the historical changes that were felt in various leftist groups from Argentina, a process known as reconfiguration of the left . In the clash with these groups and intellectuals was that the interpretation of peronism occurred. The Argentine intelligentsia of that period is understood as an arena in which different groups compete for the interpretation of peronism. Frondizi and Peña converge to a revolutionary alternative that characterized the system of peronism as a Bonapartist government type. Given these characteristics the survey sought to discuss the thought Frondizi and Peña and social power of ideas that both proposed / O objetivo dessa dissertação é abordar a interpretação do primeiro ciclo peronista realizado pelos intelectuais argentinos Sílvio Frondizi (1907-1974) e Milcíades Peña (1933-1965). Para tanto, é possível pensá-los, nos termos de Antonio Gramsci, como intelectuais orgânicos, vinculados a classe trabalhadora argentina. Como fontes de pesquisa foram utilizados os principais livros nos quais eles interpretam o peronismo (La realidad argentina; Masas, caudillos y elites) além de artigos, panfletos e informativos publicados pelos variados grupos de esquerda na década de 1950. A discussão inicialmente apresenta uma análise da trajetória intelectual dos militantes com ênfase para os principais acontecimentos pessoais nos dez anos do peronismo clássico (1945-1955), momento de maturação ideológica sob a ótica marxista. Destaca-se também as transformações históricas que se fizeram sentir nos variados agrupamentos de esquerda da Argentina, processo conhecido como reconfiguração das esquerdas . No embate com esses grupos e intelectuais foi que ocorreu a interpretação do peronismo. A intelectualidade argentina desse período é entendida como uma arena em que os variados grupos disputam a construção do peronismo. Frondizi e Peña convergem para uma alternativa revolucionária que caracterizava a aparelhagem do justicialismo como um governo de tipo bonapartista. Dada essas características a pesquisa buscou discutir o pensamento de Frondizi e Peña e a força social das ideias que ambos propuseram

This study aims at examining the level of institutionalization of the argentine party system as well as the Justicialist party. The paper presents two parallel analyses on the argentine party system and the Justicialist Party using two different perspectives on the concept of institutionalization. The first is a qualitative analysis using Mainwaring and Scully’s (1995) theory and operationalization of institutionalizations of party systems. This part analyses presidential and parliamentary electoral results in the period between 1995 and 2013. The second part of the study is a qualitative analysis of the Justicialist Party within the theoretical framework proposed by Randall and Svåsand (2002). This section analyses the origins of the party and its history throughout the 1900’s focusing on the character of the party, the relationship between the party as a whole and its leader(s) as well as the relationship between the party as a whole and its different factions.

[pt] O trabalho analisa as diferenças e semelhanças entre os conflitos geracionais em grupos de esquerda provenientes dos EUA e da Argentina durante os longos anos 1960. O estudo percebe que há aspectos comuns que levaram à ruptura entre as gerações à esquerda do espectro político em ambos contextos, como por exemplo, a relação das vertentes geracionais com as organizações de trabalhadores e com o Bloco Socialista. / [en] The text analyzes the differences and similarities among generational conflicts in groups on the left from the USA and Argentina during the long 1960s. The study notes there are common aspects which brought to the rupture between the generations on the left on the left of the political spectrum in both contexts, such as, for example, the generational groups relation with workers organizations and with the Socialist Bloc.

Entre 1946 et 1955, Juan Perón déclare à maintes reprises sa volonté de « forger une nation de sportifs ». Le président argentin, rapidement surnommé le « Premier Sportif de la Nation », estime que le sport doit désormais relever des domaines d’intervention de l’État. À partir de sources institutionnelles, administratives, sportives et diplomatiques, cette recherche s’attache à retracer les objectifs de la politique sportive péroniste et les moyens mis en œuvre pour les atteindre. En suivant une démarche relevant de l’histoire sociale et de la micro-histoire, ce travail examine la mise en pratique concrète des mesures adoptées par le régime péroniste au sein des clubs et des fédérations sportives et en repère les contradictions et les limites. Cette thèse analyse également la nature des relations établies entre les acteurs du milieu sportif et le pouvoir péroniste. Celles-ci se définissent par des logiques clientélistes, en partie héritées, par une quête du consensus et des formes de compromis, nourries par les intérêts communs partagés entre le monde sportif et les responsables politiques. Mais elles se sont aussi traduites par des résistances et des rapports conflictuels, renforcés par la polarisation politique croissante de la société argentine et l’autoritarisme grandissant du régime péroniste. / Between 1946 and 1955, Juan Perón repeatedly stated his desire to “forge a nation of sportsmen” Soon called “Nation’s First Sportsman”, the Argentinian President reckoned that sport was now to be counted among the State’s domains of intervention This research draws on institutional, administrative, diplomatic and sports sources in order to trace the goals and means of Peronist sports policy Adopting an approach pertaining to social history as well as micro-history, this work examines the concrete implementation within sports clubs and federations of measures taken by the Peronist regime, and points out its contradictions and limits. This thesis also provides an analysis of the nature of relationships established between the sports world and the Peronist power. These relationships are characterized by partly inherited crony strategies, by a quest for consensus and by forms of compromise fueled by common interests shared between the sports world and political leaders. But they are also marked by forms of resistance and confrontation, reinforced by the increasing political polarization of the Argentinian society and the growing authoritarianism of the Peronist regime. / Durante los años 1946-1955, Juan Perón declaró públicamente su voluntad de « forjar una nación de deportistas ». Rápidamente apodado el « Primer Deportista de la Nación », el presidente argentino considera que el deporte debe integrar el área de responsabilidades del Estado nacional. A partir de fuentes institucionales, administrativas, deportivas y diplomáticas, esta investigación rastrea los objetivos de la política deportiva peronista y los recursos implementados para alcanzarlos. Siguiendo una perspectiva de historia social y microhistoria, este trabajo examina la aplicación concreta en el seno de los clubes y de las federaciones deportivas de las medidas adoptadas por el régimen peronista, sus contradicciones y sus límites. Esta tesis también analiza la naturaleza de las relaciones establecidas entre los actores deportivos y el poder peronista. Estas se definen por su diversidad y su complejidad, caracterizadas por lógicas clientelistas, parcialmente heredadas, una busca del consenso y formas de acuerdo, nutridas por intereses compartidos entre el medio deportivo y los mandatarios políticos. Sin embargo, estos vínculos fueron marcados también por formas de resistencia y conflictividad, reforzadas por la polarización de la sociedad argentina y el autoritarismo creciente del régimen peronista al final del periodo.

Political parties have ceased fulfilling substantial representative functions. Their legitimacy lies now on their role as governmental agencies. This led to an increasing interpenetration between parties and the states, and to the empowerment of those leaders that occupy executive offices. In the Latin American context these features are particularly intense in the case of ruling parties in countries where traditional parties collapsed or suffered significant brand dilution. In these cases the president controls the ruling party, while the «really existent» party organization is built up on the basis of networks recruited by the elected leader to run the government. The central argument of this article is that Peronism is the sole political force which has managed to adapt successfully to the conditions of electoral competition in contemporary Argentina. The president´s autonomy in terms of public policies´ in relation to a political machine sustained on the basis of the control of sub-national states makes it possible to disentangle the legitimacy of the party from that of its current national leadership. This scheme provides Peronism with a successful self-preservation mechanism, which is exceptional in the Latin American context. / Los partidos políticos han dejado de cumplir funciones representativas significativas para legitimarse a partir de su rol como agencias de gobierno. Esto ha implicado la creciente inter- penetración entre partidos y estados, así como la concentración de recursos en los líderes que ocupan cargos ejecutivos. En el contexto latinoamericano, estas características alcanzan mayor intensidad en los partidos de gobierno de países en los que se ha producido el colapso o la dilu- ción del valor de la etiqueta de los partidos tradicionales. En estos casos, el presidente controla al partido de gobierno, mientras la estructura partidaria realmente existente se constituye sobre la base de las redes reclutadas por el líder electo para el ejercicio del gobierno.El argumento central del artículo consiste en que el peronismo es la única fuerza política que ha logrado adaptarse exitosamente a las condiciones de la competencia electoral en la Argentina contemporánea. La autonomía del presidente en términos de orientación de políticas públicas frente a una máquina partidaria sostenida sobre la base del control de los estados subnacionales hace posible escindir la legitimidad del partido respecto a la de su coyuntural liderazgo. Esto provee al peronismo de un exitoso mecanismo de preservación, excepcional en el contexto latinoamericano.