The victory of Christian democrats in the parliamentary election of 1948 in Italy was made possible by a cooperation between the Holy See and United States during the pre-election campaign. The thesis presents the outcome of research done on American, but especially on Vatican foreign policy. The foreign policy of Pius XII between 1945 and 1950 had three main features. They were support for European integration, relations with certain European states and fight against communism. A stand of the Holy See on these issues is compared to the American one. The outcome of the analysis is that their foreign policies had some aims in common but that it hardly ever led to cooperation. There were some minor examples of cooperation, but there was none as significant as the one in Italy in 1948. Key words: Holy See, Pius XII, foreign policy, USA, communism, integration

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1963. / Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 95-98).

Cette étude se propose de dresser un tableau des relations d’Etat à Etat qu’ont entretenues le régime de Vichy et le Saint-Siège entre juillet 1940 et août 1944, par l’intermédiaire de leurs représentants diplomatiques : le nonce apostolique en France, Mgr Valeri et les deux ambassadeurs qui se sont succédé dans la Cité du Vatican, Wladimir d’Ormesson et Léon Bérard. Elle insiste sur l’importance de la caution que représentait, pour un gouvernement de plus en plus contesté, la présence d’un nonce auprès du maréchal Pétain et de son ambassadeur auprès du Souverain Pontife. Elle met en parallèle les attentes que nourrissait l’Etat français d’une action plus visible et tangible de la diplomatie vaticane et sa déception devant la réserve qu’observe cette dernière. Elle décrit également, en dépit des avances faites par Vichy à l’Eglise, la méfiance croissante provoquée au Vatican par la politique du régime : dérives autoritaires, mesures anti juives, alignement sur le Reich. Elle relate enfin le rapprochement qui s’opère avec la France libre et aboutit, après l’effondrement du régime et le retrait de son ambassadeur, à la reconnaissance du Gouvernement provisoire de la République. / This research study describes the interstate relations which the Vichy regime maintained with the Vatican between July 1940 and August 1944 on the diplomatic level : the apostolic nuncio in France , mgr Valeri, on one side and, on the other side, the French ambassadors accredited to the Holy See, Wladimir d’Ormesson followed by Léon Bérard in December 1940. It underlines how valuable were, for a more and more disputed and rejected government, the presences of a high ranked papal envoy close to marshal Pétain and conversely of a French plenipotentiary in the Vatican state. It worked as a voucher of legitimacy. The study points out the expectations of the “Etat français” towards a more visible and concrete action of Pius XII diplomacy and the disappointment prompted by its spinelessness. It emphasizes, in spite of the advances made in the direction of the Church, the growing mistrust created in Rome by the political line followed by the French leaders: authoritarian downward spiral, anti Jewish measures, submission to the 3rd Reich. It finally sketches out the gradual move of the Holy See towards the “France libre” which led, after the collapse of the regime and the forced resignation of its ambassador to the formal recognition of the de Gaulle government.

Der Abschluss des Konkordats von 1929 zwischen dem Freistaat Preußen und dem Heiligen Stuhl ist ein Meisterstück der Diplomatiegeschichte. Die Verhandlungen erstreckten sich annähernd über den gesamten Zeitraum der Weimarer Republik. Am Ende stand der erste Vertrag, den die römische Kurie mit einem mehrheitlich protestantischen Staat schließen sollte. Federführend auf Seiten der Kirche war Eugenio Pacelli, der spätere Papst Pius XII. Der Abschluss des preußischen Konkordats bildete den finalen Coup seiner Ära als Nuntius in Deutschland. Die vorliegende Arbeit schließt eine beträchtliche Lücke in der Konkordatsforschung. Erstmals werden die einschlägigen Akten aus dem Vatikanischen Apostolischen Archiv ausgewertet. In Verbindung mit zum Teil unerschlossenem Material aus deutschen Beständen ergibt sich ein umfassendes Gesamtbild der Verhandlungen von 1919 bis 1929, die zum preußischen Konkordat führten. Der Schwerpunkt der Untersuchung, die die kirchlich-römische Diplomatie, ist von der Persönlichkeit Eugenio Pacellis nicht zu trennen. Kein anderes Projekt sollte ihn während seiner Zeit als Nuntius ähnlich in Beschlag nehmen. Die Untersuchung seiner Vorgehensweise lässt deshalb nicht nur Rückschlüsse auf seine Kompetenzen als Chefdiplomat des Heiligen Stuhls zu, sie stellt auch eine einzigartige Charakterstudie über eine der umstrittensten Persönlichkeiten der Kirche des 20. Jahrhunderts dar. / The concordat of 1929 between the Free State of Prussia and the Holy See was a remarkable achievement in the history of diplomacy. The negotiations which led to the agreement stretched over almost the entire duration of the Weimar Republic. The result was the first treaty ever signed between the Roman Curia and a predominantly protestant state. The man in charge on the side of the Church was Eugenio Pacelli, later to become Pope Pius XII. The completion of the Prussian concordat was the final coup in his era as papal nuncio in Germany. The following dissertation fills a substantial gap in the research into the concordat. For the first time the relevant documents from the apostolic archives in the Vatican were analysed , and these, in conjunction with material from German collections, some of which was previously inaccessible, result in a comprehensive picture of the negotiations which led to the Prussian concordat. The main focus of this study, diplomacy in the Roman Catholic Church, is inextricably linked with the figure of Eugenio Pacelli. During his time as papal nuncio this project required much more time than any other. The examination of his modus operandi not only makes it possible to draw conclusions about his skills as the leading diplomat of the Holy See, but also provides a unique character study of one of the most controversial figures in the Church in the 20th century.

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Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:27:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luiz Tarciso Souza.pdf: 972281 bytes, checksum: 98e63b334fba11c4c36bc89e7d793c04 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-24 / The present dissertation is a study about the controversy established posthumously to Pius XII in regard to his attitudes in face of Shoah's episodes the annihilation of six millions Jews during the Second World War. Starting from the primary sources and a selected bibliography, this research sought to follow the facts and, mainly, to evaluate the counterpoised claims by several authors about Pius XII's actions and words. Some authors accuse him of silence and omission about the fate of the persecuted Jews by the Nazis, because of an alleged anti-Semitism that they identified on the pontiff. However, others authors defend and legitimate him, claiming that Pius XII strictly followed the neutrality of the Vatican, adopting an impartiality posture and prudent reserve to avoid greater evils to the victims. Instead of harsh words condemning the Jew s genocide, he chose to promote the rescue of victims who were preserved from deportation to the extermination camps and sheltered by clerics and religious in several ecclesiastical institutions including the Vatican itself and its extraterritorial properties. As a result, the research allowed us to evaluate the arguments of Pius XII's defenders as the most consistent in face of the available evidences, especially considering the favorable and widely documented statements from contemporary Jewish persons and institutions to the facts in dispute. However, this research also allowed us to notice that there are some gaps to be filled before definitely solve this controversy something that perhaps just becomes viable with the fully opening of the Vatican archives and the archives of the other governments and chancelleries that were involved in this issue / A presente dissertação é um estudo sobre a polêmica estabelecida postumamente a Pio XII, a propósito de suas atitudes em relação aos episódios da Shoah a aniquilação de seis milhões de judeus durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial. A partir de consultas a fontes primárias e a uma bibliografia selecionada a pesquisa procurou acompanhar os fatos e, principalmente, avaliar as alegações contrapostas de vários autores sobre as ações e palavras de Pio XII. Alguns o acusam de silêncio e omissão sobre o destino dos judeus perseguidos pelos nazistas, em virtude de um suposto antissemitismo que identificam no pontífice. Entretanto, outros autores o defendem e justificam alegando que Pio XII procurou observar estritamente a neutralidade do Vaticano adotando uma postura de imparcialidade e reserva prudente para evitar males maiores às vítimas. Ao invés de duras palavras condenando o genocídio dos judeus, ele preferiu patrocinar o salvamento de vítimas que foram preservadas da deportação para os campos de extermínio e abrigadas por clérigos e religiosos em variadas instituições eclesiásticas - inclusive no próprio Vaticano e em suas propriedades extraterritoriais. Como resultado, a pesquisa permitiu-nos avaliar os argumentos dos defensores de Pio XII como os mais consistentes diante das evidências disponíveis, especialmente considerando as declarações favoráveis amplamente documentadas de pessoas e instituições judaicas contemporâneas aos fatos em disputa. No entanto, a pesquisa nos permitiu perceber também a existência de algumas lacunas a serem preenchidas antes de dirimir conclusivamente a controvérsia algo que talvez se torne viável apenas com a abertura completa dos arquivos do Vaticano e de outros governos e chancelarias envolvidos na questão

This thesis reviews the available literature on Pius XII and his relationship with the Third Reich and the atrocities against the Jews during World War II. The types of literature explored in this study are standard texts; histories of the Church; biographies of Pius; available documents and memoirs; and studies of two special topics: The Ardeatine Massacre and the play, The Deputy. The purpose of this bibliographical review is to discern the various attitudes of authors and historians and reveal the diversity of their views stemming from their interpretation of documents and circumstance. Special attention is given the important play, The Deputy, not only as a literary masterpiece, but also as a catalyst in prompting the writing of other books.Ball State UniversityMuncie, IN 47306

La Mittel- Osteuropa constitue à la fois un espace géographique et une construction historico-culturelle. Cet espace est formé de plusieurs pays qui ont appartenu à l'empire austro-hongrois et dont la religion catholique majoritaire représente un critère d'unité.La catholicité de cet espace justifie l'intérêt que le Saint-Siège porte à la plupart de ces pays qui deviendront après 1945 des satellites de l'Union soviétique. Les régimes d'inspiration communiste combattront l'autorité spirituelle de Rome, exerceront le contrôle de la vie religieuse et restreindront ainsi les libertés confessionnelles.Face à cette politique antireligieuse et à ce contrôle étroit de la sphère religieuse, le Saint-Siège se devait de réagir et de développer une stratégie de contre-offensive. Dans cette optique, l'Autriche a joué un rôle important dans les orientations de politique étrangère et religieuse du Vatican. Le pays avait encore de nombreux contacts avec les anciens pays de la monarchie des Habsbourg dont la fin était relativement proche. Par ailleurs, Vienne occupe une position avancée en Europe centrale. L'expérience centre-européenne riche de l'Autriche tant sur un plan culturel que linguistique représentait un bien précieux pour la Rome papale, pour qui Vienne pouvait servir de porte d'entrée vers la Mittel- Osteuropa.Le pape Pie XII a parlé d'une mission historique de l'Autriche qui sera considérée comme un phare catholique face à un océan marxiste athée. Malgré cette identité d'intérêts, les relations entre l'Autriche et le Vatican n'ont pas été exemptes de tensions, particulièrement à cause de la controverse sur la remise en vigueur du concordat de 1933. La question du mariage devient un élément de crispation, d'autant plus que la société autrichienne de l'après-guerre était déjà plus sécularisée que celle de l'entre-deux-guerres.L'Autriche saura tirer des avantages spécifiques de la neutralité qui lui a été imposée en échange de sa souveraineté retrouvée. La « neutralité active » va lui permettre de mettre en œuvre une Ostpolitik dans laquelle l'Eglise prendra une place importante qui apparait clairement dans différents exemples : le voyage d'un théologien de l'université de Graz en Union soviétique en 1955, et plus tard les visites du cardinal Franz König aux épiscopats derrière le rideau de fer mais aussi la création de la fondation Pro Oriente en 1964.La guerre froide fut avant tout un conflit idéologique entre deux systèmes très différents tant sur le plan social que politique et économique, avec le capitalisme ou le libéralisme d'une part, et le communisme ou le socialisme d'autre part. En outre, un autre conflit idéologique est aussi apparu entre le catholicisme romain et le communisme athée, deux systèmes de pensée totalement opposés. Le Saint-Siège devint alors un acteur de la guerre froide. Pie XII défendait l'idée que « le communisme est intrinsèquement pervers et l'on ne peut admettre sur aucun terrain de collaboration avec lui ». Pourtant, il existait par la force des choses des relations entre les communistes et l'Eglise catholique dans les pays situés derrière le « rideau de fer ».La Curie romaine n'était pas toute entière hostile au dialogue avec les communistes. Abstraction faite d'un climat d'intransigeance doctrinale, il se trouvait aussi des prélats qui pensaient que toutes les portes du dialogue ne devaient pas rester irrémédiablement fermées. Les années d'après-guerre renvoient aussi à une période de renouvellement de la pensée chrétienne sur les plans philosophique, théologique et social. Les tendances à l'ouverture, annonciatrices d'un « printemps religieux », se heurtaient toutefois à la raideur dogmatique de la Curie romaine sous Pie XII.Les rapports des ambassadeurs autrichiens au Saint-Siège de 1946 à 1958/61 fournissent des informations précieuses sur les grandes thématiques du conflit Est-Ouest, qui touchaient d'une part les relations entre le Vatican et l'Autriche, et d'autre part le Vatican / Mittel- and Osteuropa form a geographic region and also a historical and cultural construct. This area consists of several countries that were part of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Their predominant Catholic religion represented a criterion of unity.The Catholic character of this region justifies the interest which the Holy See had in the majority of these countries that became, after 1945, satellite states of the Soviet Union. The regimes shaped by the ideology of communism fought against the spiritual supremacy of Rome, control religious life and thus limit the denominational freedoms.The Holy See reacted to these anticlerical policies and to the rigid control over religious spheres by developing counter-strategies. In this respect, Austria has played an important role in conception of the foreign and church policies of the Vatican. It still had numerous contacts in the countries of the former Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, which had ended not such a long time ago. Vienna had a leading role in Central Europe. Austria's numerous cultural and linguistic experiences in Central Europe represented a treasure to Papal Rome intending to use Vienna as a door opener towards Mittel- Osteuropa .Pope Pius XII spoke of Austria's historic mission, which was considered the flagship Catholic country against the "atheist" and "Marxist ocean". Despite this identity of interests, relations between Austria and the Vatican were not free of tensions, particularly due to the controversy of entry into force of the Concordat of 1933. The question of marriage was another disturbing factor, since the post-war Austrian society was already more secularized than the interwar period society.Austria took specific advantages of the neutrality, which it had acquired in exchange for the regained sovereignty as an obligation. The "active neutrality" allowed an Ostpolitik in which the Catholic Church occupied an important place, which became clear by the examples of the journey of a theologian at the University of Graz in the Soviet Union in 1955, much later by the visits of Cardinal Franz König at the episcopates behind the Iron Curtain, but also by the creation of the Pro-Oriente Foundation in 1964.The Cold War was primarily an ideological system conflict between two very different social, political and economic camps, capitalism or liberalism on the one hand and communism or socialism on the other. In addition, there was the ideological conflict between Roman Catholicism and the atheistic Marxism - two completely opposite doctrines. The Holy See became a actor in the Cold War. Pius XII advocated the view that “Communism is intrinsically wrong, and no one may collaborate with it in any undertaking whatsoever”. Nevertheless, there were inevitably relations between the Communists and the Catholic Church in the countries behind the "Iron Curtain".The Roman Curia was not unanimously against a dialogue with the Communists either. Apart from a doctrinal intransigence there were prelates who had the opinion that not all doors of dialogue should be closed. The post-war years also reflect a renewal period of Christian thought on a philosophical, theological and social level. These opening trends, - signs of a future "religious spring" -, however, encountered the resistance and the dogmatic rigidity of the Papal Curia under Pope Pius XII.The Austrian ambassadors' reports to the Holy See from 1946 to 1958/61 provide valuable information about the major themes of the East-West conflict, that concerned, on the one hand, the relations between the Holy See and Austria, and on the other hand the Vatican and its relationship with Mittelosteuropa. The analysis and presentation of the reports form the basis of this work and examine the view of the Vatican not only on Austria but also on Mittelosteuropa during this politically highly tense period. The arrival of John XXIII as Pope in 1958 opens a new chapter of the Church in the Cold War. The Holy See turned into an a

La thèse porte sur l'histoire de Radio Vatican et de ses émissions diffusées dans plusieurs langues de sa fondation à la Seconde guerre mondiale. La recherche a démontré que Radio Vatican, moderne moyen d'apostolat fortement voulu par Pie XI, devint avec le temps un moyen de propagande et contre-propagande ainsi que de diplomatie utilisé pour défendre les positions et les décisions du Saint-Siège pendant la guerre. Radio Vatican a été étudiée comme un observatoire spécial pour aborder quelques-unes des problématiques les plus vives concernant le pontificat de Pie XII pendant la guerre: la position de l'église envers le conflit en cours, le rapport avec les régimes (fasciste italien, national socialiste, communiste, de Vichy) et avec les démocraties (Angleterre et États Unis). Les reconstructions des relations de Radio Vatican avec la Curie, l'usage qui fut fait de ce moyen, les contenus des émissions, les décisions de les diffuser, les modalités et les temps, ou ce qu'on préféra taire, tout cela a été l'occasion pour réfléchir sur le gouvernement de l'Église de Eugenio Pacelli. / This dissertation concerns the history of Vatican Radio and its broadcasts spread in several languages from its foundation to the Second World War. The research demonstrates that Vatican Radio, a modern means of apostolate strongly wanted by Pius XI, during the war had become means of propaganda and counterpropaganda, as well as of diplomacy, used to defend the positions and the decisions of the Holy See. Radio Vatican has been studied as a special observatory to approach some of the most outstanding problems concerning the pontificate of Pius XII during the war: the position of the Church towards the conflict, the relationship with the regimes (communist, Italian fascism, national-socialism, of Vichy) and with the democracies (England and the United States). The analysis of the relations between Vatican Radio and the Roman Curia, the use made of this means, the contents of broadcasts, the decision to spread them, the modalities and the times of their diffusion, or of what was preferred to keep silent, all these questions have been an opportunity to meditate upon the government of Eugenio Pacelli's Church.