In recent years the G8 and G20 Summits have become important sites of protest and conflict. Extensive planning by police and protesters have transformed the public meaning of these yearly assemblies into large-scale events characterized by what many see as threats to public order. The summits have also provided a world-stage for the economically and racially disadvantaged as well as globalized free trade dissenters to voice their resistance and opposition. At the same time, police have been placed on the opposite side of the conflict, ordered to “control the masses.” This conflict situation can sometimes lead to collective violence, especially on behalf of the police. In attempting to explain the police collective violence witnessed at the G8/G20 protests in Toronto in June of 2010, Neil Smelser’s (1962) value-added model of collective behaviour can be employed. This model demonstrates how processes involving structural conduciveness, structural strain, the spread of a generalized belief, the mobilization of participants and finally the utilization of social control can lead to an event such as collective violence. Recent revisions to the value-added argument by Fine (1997) have shifted attention away from the functionalist assumptions of the model and toward a more social constructionist stance. Thus, for Fine, belief itself does not create action. Rather, the use of the belief by claimsmakers can lead to a call to action, through media or other outlets. Finally, Randall Collins’s (2008) theory of forward panic is useful for illustrating the finer details of precisely how police mobilize for violence. In order to analyze the police collective violence witnessed over the weekend, a combination of participant observation, semi-structured interviews and ethnographic content analysis methods were employed. The findings support that because of the placement of the G8/G20 meetings, the conflicting relationship between the police and the protesters and the construction of the protesters as troublemakers, meant to be approached with suspicion, the police were able to overcome the tense conflict situation and attack the protesters. I conclude by suggesting a community-policing model for future protest situations. / Thesis (Master, Sociology) -- Queen's University, 2011-06-30 11:36:35.115

abstract: In the United States, responsibility for public safety falls under the purview of federal, state, and local law enforcement agencies. These agencies use a range of strategies to ensure public safety, relying primarily on surveillance, the police, the jail and prison system, and the courts to adjudicate wrongdoing. The United States’ over-reliance on incarceration as an all-encompassing solution to social problems, paired with persistent police violence that disproportionately results in the death of Indigenous, African American, and Latino/a people, has placed these public safety practices under intense scrutiny. There has been a plethora of research examining the crisis of mass incarceration in particular, and the racial, class, and gendered inequities plaguing the criminal justice system more broadly. Through the (Re)imagining Public Safety Project, I make two primary interventions in this larger body of work. First, this is an abolitionist project. In other words, I ask how people generate safety in their daily lives without relying on the police, or prisons, or criminalization. Second, in developing these alternatives, I center the perspective of people of color who have been directly impacted by racially discriminatory public safety practices. To do so, I designed a collaborative, mixed-method qualitative research project that uses participant-generated photo elicitation interviews, alongside participant observation to (re)imagine public safety. Participants in this project theorized what I am calling “insurgent safety” to describe an alternative practice of safety that is underwritten by what I term “a public ethic of care,” “counter-carceral communication,” and play. Insurgent safety is the presence of self-determination, interdependence, mutual aid, shared vulnerability, joy, and communion rather than walls, cages, and banishment. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Justice Studies 2015

A presente tese consiste em um estudo das representações sociais pelos jornais Jornal da Tarde, especificamente as matérias do jornalista Percival de Souza, O Estado de São Paulo e Folha de São Paulo sobre o Esquadrão da Morte da cidade de São Paulo, compreendendo o período de novembro de 1968 a dezembro de 1978. Tem como objetivo contribuir para o estudo histórico da imprensa e sua atuação no Brasil contemporâneo, na medida em que seus agentes possuem interesses e objetivos reais na construção e condução de uma interpretação coletiva da sociedade. Adotamos o conceito de representações sociais do historiador Roger Chartier, sendo que de acordo com este as representações sociais produzem práticas e estratégias, no intuito de legitimar um projeto reformador, em detrimento de outro. Além disso, foram realizadas entrevistas, tendo por objetivo ampliar a discussão em torno das fontes e recuperar um dado contexto que não pudemos apreender das reportagens analisadas, dando voz aos protagonistas da história. As entrevistas realizadas foram com o jornalista Percival de Souza, os Procuradores Dr. Hélio Pereira Bicudo e o Dr. João Benedito Azevedo Marques, que foram protagonistas nas investigações sobre as atividades do Esquadrão da Morte, e o Capitão Francisco Jesus da Paz. Por fim, a pesquisa constatou que se no início as matérias apontam para o surgimento do Esquadrão da Morte como um ato de vingança, aderindo às versões dos delegados e policiais, a partir de meados dos anos de 1970 os jornais assumem uma nova postura ao apresentar a incoerência das autoridades públicas do Poder Executivo do Estado de São Paulo, particularmente o ex-governador Roberto de Abreu Sodré e o ex-secretário de Segurança Pública Hely Lopes Meirelles, em continuarem negando a existência do Esquadrão da Morte, além de destacarem o empenho da Justiça para punir os integrantes do Esquadrão da Morte. / This thesis is a study of the social representations presented in the articles published in the newspaper Jornal da Tarde (JT) - specifically the articles written by the journalist Percival de Souza -, and articles from O Estado de São Paulo (OESP) and Folha de São Paulo (FSP) on the Death Squad of Sao Paulo city, comprising the period from November 1968 to December 1978. It aims to contribute to the historical study of the press and its operation in contemporary Brazil, insofar as its agents have real interests and aims in the construction and in the conduction of a collective interpretation of society. We adopt the concept of social representations by the historian Roger Chartier, according to whom, the social representations produce practices and strategies, aiming to legitimize a reform project, to the detriment of others. In addition, we made interviews, aiming to broaden the discussion about the sources and to recover a certain context that we were not able to understand only by analyzing the articles. In doing this, we also gave voice by interviewing the protagonists of the story - the journalist Percival de Souza, and the attorneys Hélio Pereira Bicudo and Dr. João Benedito Azevedo Marques (who participated in the investigations on the activities of the Death Squad) - and the Captain Francisco Jesus da Paz. Finally, the research found out that, at the beginning, the articles presented the emergence of the Death Squad as a revenge act, accepting police officers and chiefs versions of the story. However, from the 1970s and forwards, the newspapers changed its perspective and showed the incoherence of the public authorities of the Executive Branch of the State of Sao Paulo, particularly regarding to the former governor Roberto de Abreu Sodré and to the former Secretary of Public Security Hely Lopes Meirelles, who insisted in denying the existence of the Death Squad, they also highlighted the work of Justice to punish the members of the Death Squad. Besides, from the 1970s and forwards, these newspapers also highlighted the actions of Justice to punish the members of the Death Squad.

Na capital paulista, desde fevereiro de 2015, uma pessoa presa em flagrante deve ser levada, em até 24 horas, a uma audiência de custódia, em que o juiz decidirá se ela permanecerá presa ou terá direito à liberdade provisória durante o processo penal que poderá ser instaurado. Com o objetivo de reduzir o excessivo número de prisões provisórias e permitir a identificação de casos de abuso policial, essas audiências foram criadas pelo Provimento Conjunto nº 03/2015 do Tribunal de Justiça de São Paulo. A partir de uma pesquisa etnográfica, que contou com a observação de 692 pessoas apresentadas em audiências de custódia, entre fevereiro e dezembro de 2015, reflito sobre as percepções morais que os profissionais do sistema de justiça criminal, atuantes em tais audiências, expressaram a respeito de as pessoas custodiadas poderem ter sofrido violência policial. Através do que chamei de mecanismos de silenciamento, discuto como uma nova fase pré-processual, criada para a apuração de maus tratos policiais cometidos durante prisões em flagrante, pode submeter pessoas presas a experiências de humilhação. Também analiso de que forma o conceito de vítima é disputado, uma vez que a pessoa custodiada, ao mesmo tempo que é apresentada como autora de um ou mais delitos, também pode ter sofrido violações de direitos. / In the capital of São Paulo, since February 2015, a person arrested must be taken within 24 hours to a custody hearing in which the judge will decide whether he will remain in custody or will be entitled to provisional release during criminal proceedings that may be established. With the objective of reducing the excessive number of provisional imprisonment and allowing the identification of cases of police abuse, these hearings were created by Joint Appeal No. 03/2015 of the Court of Justice of São Paulo. Based on an ethnographic research of 692 people brought to custody hearings between February and December 2015, I reflect on the moral perceptions that practitioners of the criminal justice system, acting in such hearings, have expressed about whether the persons in custody may have suffered police violence. Through what I have called silencing mechanisms, I discuss how a new pre-procedural phase, created for the detection of police mistreatment committed during flagrant prisons, can subject people to experiences of humiliation. I also analyze how the concept of victim is disputed, since the person in custody, while being presented as the perpetrator of one or more crimes, also may have suffered violations of rights.

The aim of the present research is to investigate three factors, namely perceptions of fairness in intergroup situations, ingroup identification and spatial dimensions that are assumed to contribute to why individuals participate in violence against the police in soccer stadiums. In Study 1 perceptions of fairness, identification and spatial perspective were manipulated and the results indicated a significant interaction effect between identification and spatial perspective. This interaction effect had a significant influence on negative behavioural tendencies towards police. In Study 2, identification and spatial perspective were manipulated and once again the interaction effect between identification and spatial perspective was found. A main effect of identification was found in that participants who identified lower with fans showed significantly more positive attitudes towards police. The results of the two studies highlight the importance of looking beyond the inherent nature of the crowd itself when analysing situations of police/fan conflict, and also the need to further investigate the spatial dimension and how it influences social judgment and decision making.

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Police officers who maintain negative or traumatic information in long-term memory are vulnerable to mental illness, unstable emotional and behavioral responses, interpersonal problems, and impaired social relationships. The cognitive theory suggests that police officers externalize various negative or maladaptive behaviors as a result of frequent exposure to traumatic events. Researchers have found that police officers tend to either not seek mental health treatment, try to fix their own mental health problem, or if in treatment will not be forthcoming with internalized thoughts of psychological distress. The intention of this research was to examine the relationship between police officers' frequent exposure to violence and traumatic events/images and its effect on the long-term mental health issues and significant decreases in cognitive empathy or human compassion within police officers. This quantitative study used a simple linear regression, descriptive analysis, correlational matrix to analyze the data gathered from assessment packets containing a Trauma Symptom Inventory-2A, Paulhus Deception Scale, JHU Project Shields Questionnaire, and a Compassion Scale. Assessment packets were distributed during roll calls to active male and female Norfolk Police Officers assigned to the Patrol Divisions, Detective Division, and Vice/Narcotic Division. A priori power analysis revealed 65 participants were needed to have a valid sample. There were 66 completed assessment packets collected from the researcher's secure drop boxes. The findings were statistically significant suggesting a need for continued research. To effect positive social change, mental health workers and police organizations will use this data to assist in policy construction and mental health training.

Orientadora: Profa. Dra. Camila Caldeira Nunes Dias / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Humanas e Sociais, 2017. / A questão norteadora dessa pesquisa é compreender as formas de resistências contemporâneas às violências protagonizadas pela Polícia Militar do estado de São Paulo (PMESP), através da atuação de alguns "coletivos". Ao longo do presente trabalho será exposta a formação, tipos de atuação e as dinâmicas de coletivos que têm como pauta a violência policial. Considerados como potências insurgentes, apresentam particularidades e similaridades entre si ao expressarem seus tipos de resistências. Entre as variadas metodologias, os discursos, os tipos organizacionais, as possíveis conexões entre pares e a relação que estabelecem com o Estado ¿ ou a sua negação ¿, busca-se refletir sobre as limitações, assim como, as possibilidades de contestação no que tange ao modelo policial e suas práticas abusivas que atendem ao desejo de controle do Estado. / The guiding question of this research is understanding the forms of contemporaries resistance to the violence carried out by the Military Police of the state of São Paulo (PMESP), through the performance of some "collectives". Throughout the present work will be exposed the formation, types of action and the dynamics of collectives that have the police violence as a theme. Considered as insurgent powers, they present particularities and similarities among themselves when expressing the different kinds of resistance. Among several methodologies, speeches, organizational types, the possible connections between pairs and the relationship that they establish with the state - or its negation -, it is sought to reflect the limitations, as well as possibilities of contestation in regards to the police model and its abusive practices that meet the desire of control of the State.

abstract: LGBTQI people are often victimized by law enforcement and these victimizations often are related to victimizations of domestic violence and hate violence. Because reporting a victimization to the police leads to contact with police, a part of the research question involved herein looked at whether or not reporting a victimization to the police also increases the rate of police violence. Through secondary data analysis, this study investigated the correlation between reporting domestic violence and hate violence to the police, and subsequent victimizations by the police in the form of police violence. Additionally through secondary data analysis, this study investigated whether or not this correlation is stronger with transgender women and people of color. All data analyzed in this study was collected in Tucson, Arizona through the Wingspan Anti-Violence Project (WAVP). All data was analyzed with the permission of the data owner, the National Coalition of Anti-Violence Programs (NCAVP) (see Appendix IV), and with IRB approval from the Arizona State University Office of Research Integrity and Assurance (see Appendix III). The findings demonstrated a positive correlation between the rate of LGBTQI people reporting violent crimes to the police and the rate of police violence against LGBTQI survivors of domestic violence and hate violence. The results further demonstrated the rate of police violence associated with reporting domestic violence or hate violence is greatest for transgender women and people of color. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Social Work 2016