Cette thèse retrace l'histoire du thème de l'évaluation des politiques publiques au sein de l'Etat central français. La période étudiée s'étend de 1946 à nos jours. L'objectif du travail est d'apporter des éléments de compréhension et d'explication à l'échec de la politique nationale de développement de l'évaluation lancée officiellement en 1990 à l'initiative du Premier Ministre Michel Rocard. Ce travail énonce et valide l'hypothèse descriptive suivante. Le thème de l'évaluation, importé des Etats-Unis par les planificateurs centraux français dès les années 1960, a été façonné et reste fortement marqué par les diverses formes de mythification de la planification nationale « performées » par les acteurs de l'Etat central français. Le caractère aujourd'hui globalement négatif que prennent ces entreprises centrales de mythification est à l'origine de l'échec de la politique nationale d'évaluation évoquée ci-dessus. Cette thèse fonde finalement l'hypothèse interprétative suivante. En matière de technologies françaises de rationalisation de la conduite des affaires publiques, l'influence américaine a été grande dès la fin de la seconde guerre mondiale. Cependant, cette spécificité politico-administrative française que constitue l'existence des grands corps de l'Etat a opéré un filtrage de plus en plus fin des techno-sciences gouvernementales américaines, au point qu'aujourd'hui les sciences sociales françaises contribuent peu à l'évolution des cadres rationnels de l'action publique.

This paper compares police reforms during democratization in Poland, Hungary, and Bosnia-Herzegovina. It analyses the changes to the structure of the democratic control of the police in each reform, paying special attention to the decentralization versus centralization aspect of it. The research question of this paper is: Why are some states decentralizing the democratic control of the police, while others are centralizing it, both with the aim of democratization? The theoretical background of this study are theories about policy diffusion and policy transfer. Therefore this study can be categorized as part of two different research areas. On the one hand, it is a paper from the discipline of International Relations. On the other hand, it is a paper from the discipline of Comparative Politics. The combined attention to international and national factors influencing police reform is reflected by the structure of this paper. Chapter 3 examines police structures and police reforms in established democracies as possible role models for new democracies. Chapter 4 looks at international and transnational actors that actively try to influence police reform. After having examined these external factors, three cases of police reform in new democracies are examined in chapter 5.

As the Canadian federal government backed away from addressing climate change after 2006, provinces looked to cooperate with other subnational jurisdictions in North America to take action on the file and fill the void left at the federal level. Subnational collaboration led provinces to draw lessons and learn from each other and US states while pursuing several climate change policies that had emerged from California and the Western Climate Initiative (WCI) and were poised to spread across the continent. Provinces’ efforts to work together and adopt similar policy solutions deviated from their traditional pattern of protecting regional interests on climate change, which had come to a head in the early 2000s during the acrimonious debate over the Kyoto Accord. Initially, optimism abounded that subnational climate change policies would sweep across the country leading to widespread convergence on policy instruments and forcing the federal government to respond. However, only limited convergence emerged as most policies took root in some jurisdictions but not others, highlighting the prominent role that regional interests continued to play. This research study examines the climate change policy response of five provinces (BC, Manitoba, Ontario, Quebec and Alberta) and asks: What explains the selection and adoption of policy instruments in each province? Several studies seek to understand the selection of provincial policy instruments by focusing on the role of local factors. However, given that policy development occurred in a period of significant collaboration among subnational governments in North America, this study makes a unique and essential contribution to the literature by considering the role of collaboration and cross-jurisdictional learning in addition to domestic variables. The project also informs debates at the academic and political level about whether provincial responses represent an inefficient patchwork of policies or a new form of decentralized governance characterized by regional collaboration. Finally, the study provides practical lessons for policy makers that emerge from the provincial experience, given that provinces have not been studied widely compared to the federal level in Canada. The study finds that a feeling of subnational momentum and “strength in numbers” led the provinces participating in WCI to initially pursue policy instruments from abroad. Quebec and BC were able to put a price on carbon and adopt other policies because of strong domestic support and political leadership, while Ontario and Manitoba decided not to move forward with their commitments once it became clear that a national response would not emerge. Alberta did not participate in WCI and pursued its own approach to protect its oil and gas industry. Collaboration did lead to limited convergence in areas such as GHG reporting and vehicle emission standards, which provides a foundation for future cooperation. The study concludes that taking a long-term view of collaboration, which allows time for policy makers in different jurisdictions to build relationships of trust and industry groups to come on board, is necessary when addressing a complex and controversial issue like climate change through a multi-jurisdictional approach. / Graduate / 0615 / 0617

A la suite de leur indépendance, l'Ukraine et la Moldavie ont lancé une série de réformes en vue de transformer les politiques, institutions et normes héritées de la période soviétique. Dans le contexte de l'ouverture de ces deux anciens pays communistes au libéralisme politique et économique, notre thèse se focalise sur l'évolution, entre 1991 et 2011, d'un instrument d'action publique : les normes techniques de construction des hôpitaux. Deux hypothèses principales sont formulées. La première, liée au phénomène de la mondialisation, soutient que les acteurs internationaux ont joué un rôle actif dans le processus de modernisation, et qu'ils ont opéré un transfert de normes étrangères. La deuxième hypothèse, issue de l'approche historique de l'institutionnalisme, avance que la mise en œuvre de l'expérience internationale a rencontré des résistances similaires dans ces deux pays, en raison de leur héritage commun de la période soviétique. Ces deux hypothèses ont été testées sur la base d'une étude approfondie de trois projets hospitaliers, réalisées avec le concours d'entreprises et d'organisations internationales. S'appuyant sur plus de 90 entretiens et sur une observation participante de trois ans au sein de l'agence d'architecture française Groupe-6, notre étude montre que les acteurs internationaux ont réussi à produire un changement dans les normes techniques utilisées pour construire des hôpitaux, selon des mécanismes d'apprentissage, de mimétisme ou de coercition. / In the wake of the USSR collapse, Moldova and Ukraine launched political and economic reforms of inherited institutional arrangements. Questioning the opening on these two former soviet states to economic and political liberalism, our thesis studies the evolution of hospital building regulations between 1991 and 2011. Two main hypotheses are presented. First, we argue that the international actors had an active role in the process of modernization, by transferring their foreign experience of hospital design. Second, we point that the international transfer opposed national similar resistance, due to the inherited institutional arrangements. These hypotheses are tested on empirical evidence of three hospital projects, involving international organizations and private firms. Our data is based on more than 90 interviews and a three-year participant observation within the French design practice Groupe-6. We show that international actors produced a change in the hospital design standards used by national actors. Mechanisms of transfer are threefold: learning, emulation and coercion.

This study combines macro and micro data to quantify the revenue effects of double tax treaties. First, drawing on administrative information, the study estimates the tax sensitivity of income flows (dividend, interest, and royalty payments) at an aggregate level. The analysis finds important direct revenue costs linked to treaty restrictions on taxing rights, especially for flows into a few major investment hubs. However, high elasticities of income flows also suggest that increases in withholding rates at the individual treaty partner level would not necessarily result in more revenue collection. Second, the study uses firm- level information to estimate the sensitivity of reported profitability to changes in the relevant treaty network. The analysis of the reported earnings of multinational enterprise affiliates in Ukraine suggests that the ownership structure and operations with affiliates in certain jurisdictions explain reported profitability, and should thus receive increased attention in risk assessment and transfer pricing audit activities. / Series: WU International Taxation Research Paper Series

V práci jsou analyzovány kořeny, vývoj, současné postavení, hrozby a výzvy think-tanků v České a Slovenské republice. Srovnání s jejich tradicí ve Spojených státech zkoumá přenositelnost amerického "modelu" think-tanků do střední a východní Evropy. Tento přenos je značně omezený a krátkodobě nerealizovatelný vzhledem k rozdílným legislativním podmínkám a nerozvinuté filantropii. Zvláštní pozornost je věnována motivům k vytváření regionálních i mezinárodních sítí think-tanků. Práce vychází jednak z dosavadní literatury na toto téma, jednak z dotazníkového šetření.

The BC Liberal New Era was an intense and often controversial period in the province's political history. One day after being sworn into office with a massive majority, Premier Gordon Campbell announced a 25 percent personal income tax cut, potentially relinquishing one billion dollars in tax revenue. Seven weeks later, Campbell and his Finance Minister followed up with another billion in business and corporate tax cuts. Based on the apparent success of tax cuts in provinces like Ontario, where tax cuts coincided with very strong economic growth, they believed tax cuts in 2001 would prove efficacious despite sharply declining economic indices. Cautionary advice was dismissed and tax cuts quickly translated into a $4.4 billion deficit and deep expenditure reductions for ministries other than Health, Education, and Advanced Education. Their decision proved to be a compelling, real-world example of prescription before diagnosis. The 2001/02 fiscal year sawonly 0.6 percent economic growth, much as the Ministry of Finance had predicted, not the 3.8 percent growth anticipated by the Premier and Finance Minister. An overall $4.4 billion deficit quickly translated into deep expenditure reductions for ivministries other thanHealth, Education, or Advanced Education. The latter ministries accounted for seventy percentof BC’s budget and were protected from cuts by a campaign commitment.Resource ministries were hit hard with cuts of up to 45 percent but could not come close to filling the budgethole. The New Era thus offers a second and stark example of prescriptionbefore diagnosis: the belief that social ministries could also manage deep budget cuts without detrimental consequences to the disadvantaged and vulnerable clients they served.Long before tax cut optimism began to fade, Campbell introduced an array of processes –like core review, deregulation, devolution,and alternative service delivery –drawn from other jurisdictions and, indirectly, from the tenets of New Public Management. Those processes were clearly designed to foster smaller government, prompting a critical question:was the introduction of dramatic tax cuts into a recessionary environment intended to produce aself-induced crisis, thereby underlining the imperative of austerity? My dissertation supportsthat suggestion, butalso concludes that the “burning platform” became a far greater conflagration than its authors anticipated. The BC Liberal New Era campaignplatform’s ambitious social policy agenda was consequently sacrificed to sustain its economic agenda. The New Era campaign document aimed to maximize voter appeal by promising “everything at the same time”and similar expectations drove New Era processes.Ministries were obliged to deliver on process goals as well asexpensive New Era platform commitments while simultaneously cutting staff and programs. Confronted by seemingly endless and intractable problems, ministries looked nationally and internationally for policy experience that might inform provincial solutions. Policy transfer produced mixed results. The New Era experience suggests that the frequency and intensity of process demands –compounded by budget-driven resource attrition –inhibited rather than fostered policy success. / Graduate / 2020-12-04

Since 2010, some private and public high schools in Eswatini1 have begun to offer the South African Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statements (CAPS). Demand for this increased from one school in 2010 to 13 schools in 2018. The study accordingly investigated the challenges inherent in the transferal and implementation of the CAPS Curriculum in secondary schools in Eswatini. Phillips and Ochs (2003) and Dolowitz and Marsh’s (2000) model of policy borrowing were used as a theoretical lens to steer the study. The study adopted a qualitative case study as the research design in terms of which a sample of four schools was conveniently and purposively selected. Document analysis and semi-structured interviews with 33 participants were conducted. The study identified that the curriculum transfer was initiated by parents whose demand for the South African curriculum emanated from a number of factors such as low pass threshold, cheaper access, rejection of Swazi learners by South African public schools, limited professional courses and few universities in Eswatini. The challenges to such transferal and implementation were identified as lack of contextual suitability; lack of training for educators; border immigration requirements; high tuition fees and absence of a memorandum of understanding between the two countries. / Thesis (PhD)--University of Pretoria, 2020. / Education Management and Policy Studies / PhD / Unrestricted

During recent years, cyber-threats has become an increasing problem in society. Incidents during the previous decade has shown that cyber-attacks can cause severe consequences for states, businesses, and organisations all over the world. There has also been an increase in cyber-crimes like phishing and other types of scams and extortion, which threatens the general public. As a result, information and cyber-security has become a hot topic among technology developers as well as in policy discussions. This paper studies an EU-common policy and a Swedish national policy on cyber-security to find out how cyber-threats are represented as a problem within the EU and in Sweden. The study then applies a theoretical framework of policy transfer to explain how the represented problem has changed in the transfer from European to Swedish context. The study finds that in the transference the scope of the represented problem has widened, both in terms of what is considered a threat as well as in who the policy aims to protect. This study aims to increase the understanding on how governance based on discursive visions, affects the solution a problem receives.

The World Health Organization (WHO) Framework Convention for Tobacco Control (FCTC) has prompted major change in tobacco control globally. However, policy implementation has been uneven, making 'smoke free' outcomes possible in some countries, but not others. We identify the factors that would improve implementation. We describe an ideal type of 'comprehensive tobacco control regimes', where policy environments are conducive to the implementation of tobacco control measures designed to eradicate tobacco use. The ideal type requires that a country have certain policy processes: the department of health takes the policy lead; tobacco is 'framed' as a public health problem; public health groups are consulted at the expense of tobacco interests; socioeconomic conditions are conducive to policy change; and, the scientific evidence is 'set in stone' within governments. No country will meet all these criteria in the short term, and the gap between the ideal type and the current state is wide in many countries. However, the WHO experience provides a model for progress.