Submitted by Matheus Oliveira (torresdeoliveiramatheus@gmail.com) on 2018-06-05T02:35:47Z No. of bitstreams: 2 DissMTO.pdf: 1140794 bytes, checksum: efa100ff1e725c5cb8d63727b7cecb37 (MD5) carta_dissertacao-1.jpg: 575797 bytes, checksum: 44c335003923632b7f80f77559234b6e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Eunice Nunes (eunicenunes6@gmail.com) on 2018-06-05T11:55:53Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 DissMTO.pdf: 1140794 bytes, checksum: efa100ff1e725c5cb8d63727b7cecb37 (MD5) carta_dissertacao-1.jpg: 575797 bytes, checksum: 44c335003923632b7f80f77559234b6e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Eunice Nunes (eunicenunes6@gmail.com) on 2018-06-05T12:06:02Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 DissMTO.pdf: 1140794 bytes, checksum: efa100ff1e725c5cb8d63727b7cecb37 (MD5) carta_dissertacao-1.jpg: 575797 bytes, checksum: 44c335003923632b7f80f77559234b6e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-06-05T12:06:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 DissMTO.pdf: 1140794 bytes, checksum: efa100ff1e725c5cb8d63727b7cecb37 (MD5) carta_dissertacao-1.jpg: 575797 bytes, checksum: 44c335003923632b7f80f77559234b6e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-01-18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / The present thesis aims to study the short stories The Wishing Box and The Fifty-Ninth Bear, by Sylvia Plath, under theoretical and critical perspectives which allow it to observe a dialogue in those texts with their historical context, on a dialectical relation between form and content as postulated by Fredric Jameson. We intend to elucidate how those narratives can be read beyond the autobiographical and therefore they articulate in their formal structure a female critical view of marriage in Cold War America. Historicizing both of these short stories using alterity as mediator and following the cultural model of understanding the female literary tradition, we will semantically broaden her criticism by inserting the fragments in the History. In addition, this critical exam, by electing Plath's short prose, allows us to shed light on the overlooked scope of her ouvre. / O objetivo desta dissertação de mestrado é estudar os contos The Wishing Box e The Fifty-Ninth Bear, de Sylvia Plath, sob uma perspectiva teórica-crítica que permita observar nesses textos um diálogo com o seu contexto de produção em uma relação dialética entre forma e conteúdo, como postulada por Fredric Jameson. Desse modo, buscaremos elucidar como as duas narrativas, para além das possibilidades da leitura autobiográfica, mobilizam em sua organização formal uma visão crítica da mulher no casamento durante a Guerra Fria. Historicizando esses contos sob o código mediador da alteridade, seguindo os parâmetros do modelo cultural dos estudos de escrita de autoria feminina, ampliaremos semanticamente a fortuna crítica da artista ao inserirmos esses fragmentos no todo da História. Além disso, este exercício, ao eleger a prosa curta de Plath, permite lançar luzes ao escopo escurecido de seu trabalho artístico.

This study aims to shed light on the relationship between the commercial advertising model AIDA (Awareness/Attention, Interest, Desire, Action) and political television advertising, with a historical perspective being of extra interest. In order to do so, the study made use of theories concerning the AIDA-model, representation, rhetoric (with focus on ethos, pathos, and logos), and the professionalisation of political communication. The methodology involved qualitative analyses of 18 official political campaign advertisements from nine United States presidential elections between the years 1952-2016. One issue-ad from each candidate (Republicans and Democrats only) from every other election was strategically chosen for examination. Each advertisement was then analysed both as it relates to its rhetorical content as well as its structure with the defined four stages of the AIDA-model in mind, with any potential patterns between the rhetoric and the structure being taken into account. The results of the study suggest that while the AIDA-model can be recognised in political television advertisements in the United States since the inception in the 1950s, the advertisements from the post-modern phase of the professionalisation of political communication (1985-) seem to place more emphasis, compared to the modern phase (1950s-1985), on the desire stage of the AIDA-model. Furthermore, no distinct differences could be found between the parties from a pure rhetorical and structural standpoint, and both appear to be on practically identical evolutionary paths. An explanation to this could be the escalating reliance on hiring independent experts and specialist to manage the various areas involved with running a political campaign, which is a characteristic of the ever-increasingly professional environment of political communication.

South African foreign policy is not made in a bubble; as a democracy since 1994, its outward orientation is theoretically subject to lobbying and pressure from outside groups as well as jockeying among bureaucratic entities. This study applies the principles of Foreign Policy Analysis, a theoretical framework that attempts to unpack the processes through which governments’ foreign policies are made, to South Africa to determine whether foreign policy making is in reality open to outside inputs, or whether the foreign policy arena—as in many countries globally—is an elite reserve. The thesis has a specific focus on the 1994-2008 period, during which time Deputy President (1994-99) and later President (1999-2008) Thabo Mbeki dominated government’s foreign policy formulation, to determine whether South Africa’s democratic transition was accompanied by “democratization” of the foreign policy making process compared to the apartheid government. In addition, the thesis sought to disaggregate the various actors involved in the process—both from the influencing and decision making sides of the coin—to analyze their individual roles in influencing foreign policy, both pre- and post-1994. The thesis found that the dominant actor in South African foreign policy, both before and after 1994, was the national leader (Prime Minister before 1984; President thereafter) or, on occasion, his chosen delegate if the leader was disinterested in the external realm. This is in part because South African Constitutions vest most decision-making power in the executive, in line with international norms, but also due to a lack of pressure by non-governmental actors. While South Africa’s post-apartheid dispensation allows for greater inputs by the public and other outside actors, the practice of influencing foreign policy—either through the ballot box or through concerted pressure between elections—changed very little. Public engagement on foreign policy, already weak, did not improve after 1994. Parliament, despite having a dedicated committee on the issue, showed itself largely disinterested, as did the broader ANC. The press, business, the ANC, and most civil society organizations similarly showed little desire to weigh in on foreign policy beyond isolated instances. Only academia consistently attempted to influence policy during the Mandela and Mbeki administrations, with mixed results. Ultimately, blame for this lack of change appears to lie mostly with outside actors themselves, who during the first 14 years of democracy failed to take advantage of political space opened to them. In examining Thabo Mbeki specifically, the thesis found that he took advantage of this leeway to dominate the foreign policy debate and rarely went out of his way to open the foreign policy debate any more than he had to. He gave short shrift to the inputs of pressure groups; had no time for the press or business; and dominated the ANC and its parliamentary caucus. Mbeki had a clear and well-defined worldview, and he had little time for people or organizations with decidedly different views. That said, those close to Mbeki, and even outsiders—notably from the academic community—paint a far more nuanced picture of the man, as someone who would listen and engage with others on foreign policy, at least if he believed they had done their homework on the issues in question. Hence, portrayals of Mbeki as a “dictator” in the foreign policy realm appear to be overstated. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Politics)

Os analistas que se limitam a entender a dinâmica do Setor Elétrico Brasileiro (SEB) com base em estudos técnicos e econômicos deixam de incorporar a seus modelos a força dos fenômenos políticos que também o influenciam. Com receitas anuais superiores a R$110 bilhões (US$ 50 bilhões) em 2005 e uma configuração institucional intrincada, este setor da economia sempre foi fortemente marcado por forças políticas. Para dar um tratamento mais estruturado a tais forças, adota-se como ferramenta analítica a Teoria de Grupos de Pressão desenvolvida por Gary S. Becker, prêmio Nobel de Economia em 1992. Esta teoria expressa a competição entre grupos pela influência política que os mesmos são capazes de exercer e que, em última análise, resulta em benefícios econômicos, representados no modelo de Becker pela diminuição de impostos pagos ou aumento de subsídios recebidos. Este trabalho tem dois objetivos principais: propor uma metodologia de análise de uso político no SEB com base na Teoria de Grupos de Pressão e, pelo estudo de dois casos, examinar hipóteses de uso político no SEB. O primeiro caso observa a evolução de impostos e encargos sobre a tarifa de eletricidade e demonstra como o setor foi crescentemente usado por grupos de pressão política como fonte eficiente de arrecadação de recursos. O segundo caso analisa as regras e resultados de um leilão de energia promovido pelo governo brasileiro e discute hipóteses sobre o impacto de decisões políticas sobre os comportamentos dos competidores. / The analists who explain the dynamics of the Brazilian Electricity Sector (BES) based exclusively on technical and economic studies forego the impact of the political phenomena which also influence this Sector, a sector defined by an intricate institutional framework and which, in 2005, generated over US$ 50 billion in revenues. This configuration has historically made the BES a target for political forces. In order to study such forces in a more structured way, the author adopted as an analytical tool the Pressure Groups Theory developed by Gary S. Becker, Economics Nobel prize winner in 1992. This theory defines the competition between groups by the political influence which such groups are able to exert and which, ultimately, result in economic benefits, represented in Becker´s model by the decrease in taxes paid and by the increase in subsidies received. This document has two main objectives: propose a methodology – based on the Pressure Groups Theory – for the analysis of political use in the BES and, via the study of two cases, examine hypotheses of political use in the BES. The first case observes the evolution of taxes and other subsidies included in the electricity tariff and demonstrates how the sector has increasingly been used by political pressure groups as an efficient source of resources. The second case analyses the rules and results of an energy auction organized by the Brazilian government and discusses hypotheses about the impact of political decisions on the behavior of competitors.

South African foreign policy is not made in a bubble; as a democracy since 1994, its outward orientation is theoretically subject to lobbying and pressure from outside groups as well as jockeying among bureaucratic entities. This study applies the principles of Foreign Policy Analysis, a theoretical framework that attempts to unpack the processes through which governments’ foreign policies are made, to South Africa to determine whether foreign policy making is in reality open to outside inputs, or whether the foreign policy arena—as in many countries globally—is an elite reserve. The thesis has a specific focus on the 1994-2008 period, during which time Deputy President (1994-99) and later President (1999-2008) Thabo Mbeki dominated government’s foreign policy formulation, to determine whether South Africa’s democratic transition was accompanied by “democratization” of the foreign policy making process compared to the apartheid government. In addition, the thesis sought to disaggregate the various actors involved in the process—both from the influencing and decision making sides of the coin—to analyze their individual roles in influencing foreign policy, both pre- and post-1994. The thesis found that the dominant actor in South African foreign policy, both before and after 1994, was the national leader (Prime Minister before 1984; President thereafter) or, on occasion, his chosen delegate if the leader was disinterested in the external realm. This is in part because South African Constitutions vest most decision-making power in the executive, in line with international norms, but also due to a lack of pressure by non-governmental actors. While South Africa’s post-apartheid dispensation allows for greater inputs by the public and other outside actors, the practice of influencing foreign policy—either through the ballot box or through concerted pressure between elections—changed very little. Public engagement on foreign policy, already weak, did not improve after 1994. Parliament, despite having a dedicated committee on the issue, showed itself largely disinterested, as did the broader ANC. The press, business, the ANC, and most civil society organizations similarly showed little desire to weigh in on foreign policy beyond isolated instances. Only academia consistently attempted to influence policy during the Mandela and Mbeki administrations, with mixed results. Ultimately, blame for this lack of change appears to lie mostly with outside actors themselves, who during the first 14 years of democracy failed to take advantage of political space opened to them. In examining Thabo Mbeki specifically, the thesis found that he took advantage of this leeway to dominate the foreign policy debate and rarely went out of his way to open the foreign policy debate any more than he had to. He gave short shrift to the inputs of pressure groups; had no time for the press or business; and dominated the ANC and its parliamentary caucus. Mbeki had a clear and well-defined worldview, and he had little time for people or organizations with decidedly different views. That said, those close to Mbeki, and even outsiders—notably from the academic community—paint a far more nuanced picture of the man, as someone who would listen and engage with others on foreign policy, at least if he believed they had done their homework on the issues in question. Hence, portrayals of Mbeki as a “dictator” in the foreign policy realm appear to be overstated. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Politics)

Os analistas que se limitam a entender a dinâmica do Setor Elétrico Brasileiro (SEB) com base em estudos técnicos e econômicos deixam de incorporar a seus modelos a força dos fenômenos políticos que também o influenciam. Com receitas anuais superiores a R$110 bilhões (US$ 50 bilhões) em 2005 e uma configuração institucional intrincada, este setor da economia sempre foi fortemente marcado por forças políticas. Para dar um tratamento mais estruturado a tais forças, adota-se como ferramenta analítica a Teoria de Grupos de Pressão desenvolvida por Gary S. Becker, prêmio Nobel de Economia em 1992. Esta teoria expressa a competição entre grupos pela influência política que os mesmos são capazes de exercer e que, em última análise, resulta em benefícios econômicos, representados no modelo de Becker pela diminuição de impostos pagos ou aumento de subsídios recebidos. Este trabalho tem dois objetivos principais: propor uma metodologia de análise de uso político no SEB com base na Teoria de Grupos de Pressão e, pelo estudo de dois casos, examinar hipóteses de uso político no SEB. O primeiro caso observa a evolução de impostos e encargos sobre a tarifa de eletricidade e demonstra como o setor foi crescentemente usado por grupos de pressão política como fonte eficiente de arrecadação de recursos. O segundo caso analisa as regras e resultados de um leilão de energia promovido pelo governo brasileiro e discute hipóteses sobre o impacto de decisões políticas sobre os comportamentos dos competidores. / The analists who explain the dynamics of the Brazilian Electricity Sector (BES) based exclusively on technical and economic studies forego the impact of the political phenomena which also influence this Sector, a sector defined by an intricate institutional framework and which, in 2005, generated over US$ 50 billion in revenues. This configuration has historically made the BES a target for political forces. In order to study such forces in a more structured way, the author adopted as an analytical tool the Pressure Groups Theory developed by Gary S. Becker, Economics Nobel prize winner in 1992. This theory defines the competition between groups by the political influence which such groups are able to exert and which, ultimately, result in economic benefits, represented in Becker´s model by the decrease in taxes paid and by the increase in subsidies received. This document has two main objectives: propose a methodology – based on the Pressure Groups Theory – for the analysis of political use in the BES and, via the study of two cases, examine hypotheses of political use in the BES. The first case observes the evolution of taxes and other subsidies included in the electricity tariff and demonstrates how the sector has increasingly been used by political pressure groups as an efficient source of resources. The second case analyses the rules and results of an energy auction organized by the Brazilian government and discusses hypotheses about the impact of political decisions on the behavior of competitors.

When the new South African government took power in 1994, the United States (US) pictured a bright future with a strategic country. They envisioned a strong partnership in political, economic and security realms. Although the US has consistently labeled their bilateral relationship with South Africa as ‘excellent,’ government officials from both countries at the end of 2008 expressed concern about the perceived crisis that US-South African relations was in. Against this backdrop, this thesis explores the bilateral relationship between the US, a global power, and South Africa, a regional power, assessing the key issues from 1994-2008. This thesis attempts to achieve an understanding of the relationship by using a new paradigm developed by Professor Brantly Womack of the University of Virginia (US), entitled asymmetry theory. His theory, which was developed after decades of studying the political landscape between states in Southeast Asia, addresses the effects of national disparities on asymmetric bilateral relationships. This thesis breaks new ground by testing Womack’s asymmetry theory in relation to the US and South Africa, two countries located outside the continent of Asia. Moreover, this is the first study where the theory has been applied to a relationship between a global and regional power. This thesis argues that there was a considerable downward swing in US-South African relations during the Bush Administration due to the confliction of several vital principles in each country’s foreign policy, the structural implications of asymmetry, and the lack of an institution were US and South African government officials could quickly communicate to clarify any disputes or misperceptions that may have arisen. This thesis argues that the bilateral relationship has changed from normalization to normalcy throughout the time period although there are still significant hurdles to overcome in the future. Additionally, this thesis argues that the value of asymmetry theory has proven itself in its illumination of the dynamics of the relationship. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics)

Esta tese analisa o impacto de interferências políticas sobre o valor das empresas do Setor Elétrico Brasileiro (SEB) e propõe estratégias e métricas para interromper a destruição de valor econômico e bloquear o uso político. A observação de manifestações de interferência política ao longo de oito anos e o acúmulo de farta documentação possibilitaram o estudo empírico de duas empresas estatais submetidas ao uso político nas formas de populismo tarifário e loteamento político-partidário. A aplicação de uma metodologia concebida para avaliar hipóteses de manifestação de interferência política permitiu concluir que os dois tipos de uso político são explicados pela Teoria de Grupos de Pressão de Gary Becker. Além disso, a destruição de valor econômico devido aos usos políticos foi bilionária em ambas as empresas e os grupos de pressão beneficiados e prejudicados foram identificados. As estratégias propostas para bloquear tais usos políticos nas empresas do SEB envolvem a implementação de quatro etapas: imposição de critérios meritocráticos no recrutamento de gestores de empresas estatais; divulgação transparente de resultados econômico-financeiros; definição de indicadores e metas gerenciais objetivos; e implantação de mecanismos de incentivos e penalidades baseados em desempenho. O percurso metodológico adotado pode ser extrapolado para outros setores e países e oferece contribuições a gestores públicos, administradores privados e demais stakeholders. A primeira contribuição consiste na metodologia de teste de hipóteses de uso político de empresas e/ou setores econômicos com base em referenciais conceituais sólidos. A segunda contribuição é a oferta de alternativas de quantificação dos efeitos de usos políticos sobre o valor de empresas. E a terceira contribuição se concentra na exploração de indicadores e estratégias que minimizem ou bloqueiem usos políticos e maximizem a geração de valor em empresas vitimizadas por interferências políticas. / This thesis analyzes the impact of political interference on the value of companies in the Brazilian Electricity Sector (BES) and proposes strategies and indicators to interrupt economic value destruction and block political use. The observation of political interference manifestations over an eight-year period and the accumulation of vast documentation were the basis for the empirical study of two state-owned companies that were submitted to political use in the forms of tariff populism and distribution of managerial positions to allied political parties. One can conclude, via the application of a methodology conceived to evaluate hypotheses of political interference, that both types of political use can be explained by the Pressure Groups Theory developed by Gary Becker. Furthermore, the economic value destruction due to political use can be measured in billions of dollars in both companies and the pressure groups that were benefited and jeopardized were identified. The strategies aimed at blocking political use in the companies of the BES involve the implementation of four stages: the imposition of meritocratic criteria in the recruiting process of state-owned companies executives; the transparent divulging of economic-financial results; the definition of objective indicators and their respective goals; and the institution of incentives and penalties based on performance. The methodological approach of this thesis can be extended to other sectors and countries and offers several contributions to public and private officers and other stakeholders. The first contribution consists of a methodology for testing hypotheses of political use of companies and/or sectors based on solid conceptual references. The second contribution is the offer of alternatives to quantify the effects of political use on the value of companies. The third contribution is related to the exploration of metrics and strategies to block political use and maximize value generation in companies victimized by political interference.

This thesis starts from the proposition that the ethical meat discourse that is, the discourse recognizing that factory farming is unacceptable while maintaining that it is possible to produce meat in an acceptable way — has not been thoroughly analyzed. Indeed, both the partisans of this idea and the animal rights literature provide oversimplified analyses of this relatively new phenomenon. Considering its explosion in popularity since Michael Pollan published the essay “An Animal's Place” in The New York Times Magazine in 2002, this lack of research is particularly problematic for the animal rights movement as this new discourse directly counters its objectives. As such, this thesis uses Gramsci’s concept of passive revolution to develop a richer analysis of the apparent marginalizing effect that this discourse has on the animal rights movement. More precisely, the thesis addresses the question: “If the emergence of the ethical meat discourse is understood as part of a passive revolution, what can the specific process of passive revolution tell us about the impacts of the ethical meat discourse on the animal rights movement?” It argues that the passive revolution operates on two levels: (1) it depoliticizes the issue of meat consumption by presenting it as irrelevant and reducing it to technical details and (2) it absorbs the moderate elements of the animal rights movement by proposing an attractive alternative. Both of these processes lead to the marginalization of the few animal advocacy organizations still criticizing ethical meat. The analysis is divided in three parts. The first and second analyze respectively the content of the discourse and internal dynamics of the coalition formed around it using Maarten Hajer’s concept of discourse-coalition. Building on this comprehensive understanding of the ethical meat discourse, the actual process of passive revolution is analyzed by looking at the way the meat industry, environmental organizations and animal advocacy organizations engage with it.

When the new South African government took power in 1994, the United States (US) pictured a bright future with a strategic country. They envisioned a strong partnership in political, economic and security realms. Although the US has consistently labeled their bilateral relationship with South Africa as ‘excellent,’ government officials from both countries at the end of 2008 expressed concern about the perceived crisis that US-South African relations was in. Against this backdrop, this thesis explores the bilateral relationship between the US, a global power, and South Africa, a regional power, assessing the key issues from 1994-2008. This thesis attempts to achieve an understanding of the relationship by using a new paradigm developed by Professor Brantly Womack of the University of Virginia (US), entitled asymmetry theory. His theory, which was developed after decades of studying the political landscape between states in Southeast Asia, addresses the effects of national disparities on asymmetric bilateral relationships. This thesis breaks new ground by testing Womack’s asymmetry theory in relation to the US and South Africa, two countries located outside the continent of Asia. Moreover, this is the first study where the theory has been applied to a relationship between a global and regional power. This thesis argues that there was a considerable downward swing in US-South African relations during the Bush Administration due to the confliction of several vital principles in each country’s foreign policy, the structural implications of asymmetry, and the lack of an institution were US and South African government officials could quickly communicate to clarify any disputes or misperceptions that may have arisen. This thesis argues that the bilateral relationship has changed from normalization to normalcy throughout the time period although there are still significant hurdles to overcome in the future. Additionally, this thesis argues that the value of asymmetry theory has proven itself in its illumination of the dynamics of the relationship. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (International Politics)