La question initiale de cette étude est comment ont communiqué les candidats à l'élection présidentielle colombienne de 2014, à travers Twitter, et qui impose les agendas médiatiques et politiques? Cette question a été basée sur la construction de l’objectif de connaître l'utilisation que les candidats à l’élection présidentielle colombienne de 2014, ont fait de la plate-forme de communication Twitter. De là, trois objectifs spécifiques ont été fixés: 1) Connaître l’utilisation que les candidats à l'élection présidentielle de 2014 ont fait de Twitter; 2) Clarifier les questions sur lesquelles ont parlé et 3) Établir qui a imposé les agendas politiques et médiatiques. Et nous sommes partis de l’hypothèse que les candidats à l'élection présidentielle de 2014 (premier et deuxième tours) communiquent de manière unidirectionnelle à travers Twitter et que les agendas continuent à être construits par le gouvernement, les leaders d'opinion et les médias avec peu ou pas de participation des citoyens. Ce travail a été réalisé selon une méthodologie qualitative de la recherche sociale, dont le genre de recherche est appliqué avec une portée descriptive-interprétative mesurée par la cyber-ethnographie. À la fin de la recherche, l’hypothèse initiale a été confirmée et cela montre que les citoyens ont échoué à être entendus par les gouvernements, par les leaders d’opinion et par les médias à travers les réseaux sociaux. En fait, ce sont ces trois derniers qui imposent toujours leurs agendas. / The trigger question of this Thesis is: how did the Colombian presidential candidates in 2014th, communicate through Twitter, and who did imposed an agenda on it? In order to answer that, it was assumed as a starting point, the necessity to find out how the Colombian presidential candidates in 2014th, used the communication platform Twitter. From that on, there were defined three main objectives: 1) To determinate the kind of relationships that the candidates built up; 2) To make explicit the subjects which they talked about and 3) To established who did imposed the informative agenda. The assumption that the Colombian presidential candidates in 2014th (first and second round), communicate themselves on a unidirectional way through the communication platform Twitter, and the agendas remain been established by the government, the public opinion makers and the media with little or none citizens participation; it´s been taken as a starting point. Through a methodology within the qualitative paradigm from the social investigation, which type of investigation is applied with a descriptive-interpretative coverage, using as a method the Cyber-ethnography? At the end of the research Project, the initial assumption was uphold and it is clear how the citizens hadn´t been heard by the government, the public opinion makers and the media though the social networks. As a matter of fact, these three last ones are the ones that remain imposing the agendas.

Au lendemain de la première guerre mondiale, l’échiquier politique britannique se redéploie du fait en particulier de l’élargissement de l’électorat permettant au Parti travailliste émergeant de consolider sa base électorale populaire. Dans un système politique essentiellement organisé autour du bipartisme, le Parti libéral est progressivement supplanté par le Parti travailliste en tant que parti de l’opposition au Conservatisme ce qui scelle inexorablement le déclin de celui-ci. Cette décadence s’est lentement effectuée jusqu’à atteindre son paroxysme le plus visible lors de la victoire des travaillistes aux élections d’après-guerre. Dans un système normalisé parl’alternance bipartisane, le Parti libéral amorce la période la plus sombre de son histoire.Cette thèse vise à apporter un éclairage relatif à l’évolution du Parti libéral, de sa quasi-extinction jusqu’à son renouveau et l’émergence d’une nouvelle force politique d’entité libérale-démocrate. La communication politique du Parti libéral et du LibDem constitue l’élément central de cette étude. Le cadre constitutionnel, représente un élément majeur dans les stratégies électorales des libéraux et des libéraux-démocrates ainsi que dans les fondements des alliances successives jusqu’à la formation d’une coalition gouvernementale en 2010. C’est en envisageant les raisons qui ont écarté les libéraux du pouvoir et celles qui leur ont permis de survivre comme un ensemble unifié autour d’une quête tendue vers la réforme électorale que se dessinent les élémentsexplicatifs de l’évolution du parti. / In the years following the First World War, the British political spectrum underwent a change, in particular as a result of the enlargement of the electorate, which enabled the Labour Party to strengthen its popular electoral grassroots. In a political system essentially organised around bipartisanism, the Liberal Party was gradually displaced and superseded by the Labour Party as the opposition party to Conservatism, which development marked a low point in the inexorable decline of the Liberals. This decline slowly continued until it reached a critical level, culminating in the overwhelming victory of Labour in the post-war elections. In a system typified by bipartisan alternation, the Liberal Party entered its darkest era. This dissertation aims to shed new light onthe Liberal Party's evolution from near-extinction to its revival, along with the emergence of a new political force in the shape of the Liberal Democrats.The Liberal Party’s and LibDems’ political communication is the core element of this work. The constitutional framework represents a major factor in the shaping of electoral strategies implemented by Liberals and Liberal Democrats, as well as in the making of successive alliances until the governmental coalition in 2010. By considering the reasons which alienated Liberals from power, and those which enabled them to survive as a united party, unified by the quest for electoral reform, one may offer a new approach to the history of the Liberal Party’s and LibDems’ evolution.

O terrorismo tem hoje uma estrutura reticular e hipertrofiada e é percebido como ameaça à segurança internacional. Entre suas características estão o potencial de destruição em massa e o uso estratégico da mídia como via de acesso ao sistema de comunicação política, onde concorre pela cristalização das idéias dominantes e pela conquista dos públicos. Este estudo tem como objetivos identificar as características do terrorismo contemporâneo, observar como utiliza a mídia para sua projeção na esfera de visibilidade pública e finalmente realizar um mapeamento do enquadramento que recebeu nas revistas Isto É, Veja e Carta Capital entre setembro de 1999 e outubro de 2004. Concluiu-se que o terrorismo utiliza a ameaça para se projetar no espaço midiático, que efetivamente concorre pelo debilitamento moral do inimigo e pela conquista de apoio público e recursos, e que é apresentado na mídia como uma forma de guerra assimétrica que revela um conflito ideológico bipolar entre o liberalismo ocidental e o totalitarismo do islamismo radical. / Terrorism nowadays has a reticular, hypertrophic structure and it is seen as an international security threat. Among its characteristics are the potential for mass destruction and the strategic use of the media as a means of propelling itself into the political communication system seeking to enforce its ideas and win over public opinion. The aim of this study is to identify the features of contemporary terrorism, observe how it uses the media to advance its ideas in the public arena and, finally, examine how Brazil’s leading magazines Isto É, Veja and Carta Capital framed this issue between September 1999 and October 2004. In conclusion, terrorism uses threats to feature in the media, helping to morally weaken the enemy and win over public support and resources. The media, meanwhile, presents terrorism as a form of asymmetric warfare that highlights a bipolar ideological conflict between western liberalism and the totalitarianism of radical Islamism.

A proposta deste estudo é a análise da propaganda política realizada no Irã, por ocasião da Revolução Islâmica no período de 1978 1988, através dos cartazes produzidos. Partindo do chamado \"paradigma de Karbala\", foram considerados no trabalho os diversos conteúdos que integram o universo revolucionário, a partir da perspectiva social, estética, religiosa e política. A interdição ao uso e culto das imagens, trazida na esteira do processo de islamização acelerada da sociedade iraniana, é um dos paradoxos considerados ao longo da tese. O referencial teórico levou em conta as especificidades únicas da cultura e da filosofia iraniana, na tentativa de melhor compreender as ações que envolvem a comunicação no universo xiita. / The aim of this study is the analysis of the political propaganda yielded in Iran through the posters that were produced between 1978 and 1988, during the Islamic Revolution. From the so-called Karbala paradigm, the study considers the various contents that integrate the revolutionary universe, taking into account the social, aesthetic, religious and political perspective. The interdiction to image use and cult, carried through the accelerated islamization process of the Iranian society is one of the paradoxes considered in this dissertation. The theoretical references took into consideration the uniqueness of the Iranian culture and philosophy, in an attempt to better understand the actions that involve the communication in the Shia universe.

Esta dissertação descreve e analisa o debate público sobre o projeto do Pontal do Estaleiro entre as esferas pública, política e midiática. O terreno referente ao Pontal do Estaleiro se tornou uma polêmica durante a revisão do Plano Diretor de Desenvolvimento Urbano e Ambiental de Porto Alegre. Este projeto monopolizou um debate entre novembro de 2008 e agosto de 2009, ao sair do escopo da revisão do plano diretor e solicitar alteração da Lei Complementar 470 de 02/01/2002 (LC 470/2002) para permitir edificações residenciais em espaço de orla às margens do Guaíba. A polêmica rendeu duas aprovações do projeto, veto do prefeito e audiências públicas na Câmara de Vereadores. Acabou resultando em deliberação pública através da realização de uma consulta à população. O trabalho aborda a circularidade das questões nas cinco principais fases do debate, a partir das especificidades de cada instância. Na esfera política, analisaram-se os movimentos de accountability (prestação de contas) em notícias publicadas pela Câmara de Vereadores e Prefeitura Municipal nos respectivos sites. Na esfera pública, foram identificados os argumentos da arena de interlocução através da observação participante de uma audiência pública, duas reuniões do Fórum de Entidades e de entrevistas realizadas no dia da consulta pública. Na esfera midiática, foram examinadas as questões enquadradas nas principais coberturas jornalísticas sobre o Pontal, realizadas pelos jornais Zero Hora, Correio do Povo e Jornal do Comércio. Concluiu-se que as esferas realizam diferentes tipos de comunicação no debate. A esfera pública substanciou os principais argumentos que foram discutidos no debate público. Juntamente com a esfera política, foi mais permeável à circulação de questões em debate, mas ambas não conseguiram agendar a esfera midiática na exposição argumentativa. Assim, a mídia se mostrou menos permeável aos argumentos reduzindo a amplitude do debate público. / This thesis describes and analyzes the public debate on the development proposal for Pontal do Estaleiro between the public, politics and media spheres. Pontal do Estaleiro’s property became controversial during the revision of the Master Plan for Urban and Environmental Development of Porto Alegre. This project was the main focus of a debate between the months of November 2008 and August 2009, when it left the scope of the Master Plan review and a change of the Complementary Law 470 of 01/02/2002 (LC 470/2002) was requested in order to allow residential buildings to be built on the coast of Guaíba Lake. The controversy was such that the project had two approvals, the mayor's veto and public hearings at the City Council. It eventually was resolved through public deliberation by a query within the population. This work addresses the issues of circularity in the five main stages of the debate considering the specificities of each instance. In the public sphere, the arguments of the arena for dialogue were identified through participant observation of a public hearing, two meetings of the Forum of Entities and interviews done during the public consultation. In the political sphere, the movements of accountability were analyzed in reports published by the City Council and City Hall on their websites. In the media sphere, issues framed in the main news coverage on the Pontal made by Zero Hora, Correio do Povo and Jornal do Comércio were examined. It was concluded that the spheres carry different types of communication throughout the debate. The public sphere has substantiated the main arguments that have been discussed in public debate. Along with the political sphere, it was more open to the circulation of issues under discussion, but both failed to influence the media sphere's agenda towards the explanatory argument. Thus, the media showed itself less susceptible to arguments, reducing the extent of public debate.

Political communication plays a crucial role in politics. It justifies, it critizices, it promises and it explains. All those activities have one in common - they try to persuade. Politicians want to persuade us that their claims are truthful and morally right. At that, they can choose from a wide variety of means - from argumentation to manipulation. On the receiving end of the communication, there is a voter who can also choose from a wide variety of ways in which it is possible to accept those claims. Lest the democracy should fail, it is advisable to pay attention to those options.

Cette recherche porte sur un ensemble de déterminismes et contraintes d’ordre symbolique (rituel, endossement progressif du rôle présidentiel, transcendances mobilisables, impératifs scénographiques) et sociopolitique (trajectoires individuelles, rôle des appareils partisans, évolution des publics, interaction avec les autres compétiteurs et compétitrices, transformation des médias) qui pèsent sur le discours de meeting pour l’élection présidentielle française. « Le changement c’est maintenant », « Ensemble, tout devient possible », « Prenez le pouvoir » : alors que la campagne pour l’élection présidentielle vient placer en son coeur cette promesse fondamentale de « transformation du réel », ce qui pourrait laisser croire en une grande liberté énonciative des locuteurs et des locutrices, nous montrons ici qu’à l’inverse le discours de meeting électoral se trouve extraordinairement contraint et déterminé, que chaque candidat ou candidate doit se conformer à un faisceau d’attendus discursifs tacites, tout en répondant aux impératifs de renouvellement de messages inhérent à tout processus de légitimation politique par le discours.Voici résumée en quelques lignes la vocation de ce travail, fondé sur l’exploration lexicométrique menée avec le logiciel d’analyse de données textuelles Lexico 3, puis l’interrogation argumentative, pragmatico-énonciative et ponctuellement narrative d’unThèse préparée au CEDITEC, (Centre d'Étude des Discours, Images, Textes Écrits, Communication) Université Paris-Est Créteil Val-de-Marne (UPEC) Centre Pyramide – Bureau 405 80, avenue du Général de Gaulle 94000 Créteil Cedexcorpus composé de quatre-vingt-seize discours de meeting électoral, tenus lors de périodes de campagne dites « officielles », par les candidates et les candidats en lice pour les élections présidentielles de 2002, 2007, 2012 en France. / This research focuses on a set of symbolic (ritual, progressive endorsement of the presidential role, transcendences mobilized, scenic imperatives), and sociopolitical pressures (individual paths, role of supporters, transformations of the audiences, interaction with other competitors, medias transformations), facing the rally speeches for the french presidential election. "Le changement c’est maintenant," "Ensemble, tout devient possible ", "Prenez le pouvoir": as the campaign for the presidential election has put in his heart that fundamental promise of "transformation of the reality", which could let presuppose freedom utterance of speakers, we show that the election rally speech is strongly constrained and determined. Thus, each candidate had to comply with an expected tacit discourse, while responding to messages renewal imperatives, inherent to any process of political legitimation through discourses. Here is summarized in a few lines the vocation of this study, based on the lexicometric exploration conducted with textual data analysis software Lexico 3 and argumentative, pragmatic, enunciative and timely narrative questionning of ninety-six election rally speeches, made during campaign periods called "official" by candidates to the presidential elections of 2002, 2007, 2012 in France.

Social science scholars mainly regard dehumanization as a phenomenon of conflict and war. Concurrently, dehumanizing attitudes and behavior in democratic, non-conflict settings is a significant field within social psychology. Given the rise of right-wing populism and populist rhetoric, there is reason to believe that dehumanization has nestled its way into political discourse. With this background, the current study has investigated whether dehumanizing attitudes allegedly held by citizens are also expressed in their political arguments. Dehumanization can lead to support for aggression, discrimination, and violence even in democratic societies. Therefore, it is essential for political scientists to acknowledge its existence, as dehumanization can have a severe impact on equality and the defense of human rights. This paper is a cross-cutting study, which bridges the gap between political science and social psychology in the study of dehumanization by answering the question: Whether and how dehumanization is used in the debate on street begging in everyday politics? Discursive dehumanization on social media was mapped with the help of a novel analytical tool for content analysis. Social psychology has shown that people hold dehumanizing attitudes, and this study has shown that people are also willing to express these attitudes. This study finds that dehumanization is used in the debate on street begging to a significant degree. Dehumanization is mainly used in negative depictions of beggars, which undermine their moral capacity, civility, and refinement. The results of this study provide a foundation for studying both discursive dehumanization and dehumanization in political science.

In a broad sense, public relations is the communication between an organization and its audience. Public relations helps create and maintain a relationship between the two. When an organization experiences a success or failure public relations is put into place to help rally public support. The intent of this thesis aims to determine the tone of President Obama in U.S. newspapers and social media in association with the capturing and killing of terrorist Osama bin Laden. This thesis examines a variety of U.S. newspapers by region and social media. Newspaper articles related to the topic were retrieved from six regional newspapers: Columbus Dispatch, Houston Chronicle, Charlotte Observer, New York Times, Los Angeles Times, and Washington Post. From these papers, a specific time period was chosen to examine articles. The months of April, June, and August 2012 were chosen. During these months, a keyword search for “osama bin laden” was used. Articles that contained this keyword were then examined and coded. Blogs and Facebook pages of the Republican and Democratic Party were examined. Two political blogs, Daily Kos and Red State, were chosen. From these blogs and Facebook pages, the same time period was chosen as for the newspapers. The keyword search was also the same, “osama bin laden”.

This study was undertaken to determine the dominant cultural metaphors at work in American and Japanese organizational culture, to examine the ways in which each society interprets these metaphors, and to assess the importance of the metaphors relative to intercultural communication. Using a combination of qualitative content analysis, rhetorical criticism, contextual analysis, and non-participant observation, two of the most dominant metaphors in both cultures, business-as-war and business-as-family, were discovered and examined. The research data comes from a variety of books, scholarly and popular articles, pamphlets, unpublished papers, films, and miscellaneous documents. These materials cover many disciplines: communication, history, popular culture, sociology, psychology, business management, and literature. Additional written and verbal information obtained from personal interviews conducted at a Japanese-owned American-staffed manufacturing facility supplements these materials. By applying Osborn's (1967) theory of "archetypal metaphors," or metaphors which strike deep into the human subconscious, Gozzi's (1990b) concept of "minimetaphors" which arise from these archetypal metaphors. and Hall and Trager's (Hall, 1973) "major triad" (formal, Informal, and technical) of behavioral modes, the following conclusions were derived (1) many metaphors appear in both societies, but the familial and military metaphors dominate the business cultures, (2) viewing business as a war developed out of the violent histories of both cultures and perpetuates harmful attitudes, (3) viewing business as a family developed out of the homogeneity of the Japanese culture, but it did not develop as readily in the more heterogeneous United States. (4) each society interprets these metaphors in different ways, making them culturally unique but not culturally exclusive, (5) different interpretations may arise from the ways in which the cultures transmit the metaphors, (6) many of the minimetaphors associated with both of these archetypes no longer refer to their original meanings, and (7) multinational corporations will transmit their own unique cultural metaphors to their foreign employees.