Au croisement de l'histoire politique, des études sur le genre et de l'analyse du discours, cette thèse étudie les professions de foi électorales des candidat-e-s à la députation sous la Cinquième République (1958 – 2007). Le corpus, constitué sur la base d'hypothèses de travail relatives au genre en politique, rassemble la quasi-totalité des proclamations électorales des députées et un échantillon raisonné de textes d'hommes rédigés dans des conditions politiques comparables.Acte performatif par excellence, la déclaration de candidature établit les locuteurs et locutrices en personnalités politiques. Le fait-elle de manière contrastée selon le sexe des candidat-e-s ? Comment le genre façonne-t-il les prises de parole politiques et comment est-il façonné par le langage ? Comment se recompose-t-il au gré des douze législatures du régime quinto-républicain ?Pour répondre à ces questions, cette recherche s’appuie, dans le cadre des Humanités numériques, sur des méthodes d’analyse assistées par ordinateur.Elle décrit les modalités de l'élaboration d'un ethos féminin singulier et de l'expression de thématiques originales dans le discours électoral des femmes briguant la députation durant cinquante ans. / At the crossroads of political history, gender studies and discourse analysis, the present PhD dissertation gives a detailed study of the statements of principles of MP women candidates under the French Fifth Republic (1958-2007). The corpus is designed according to a set of gender hypothesis in political context. It gathers almost all the declarations of women candidates under the French Fifth Republic, together with a reference corpus sampling a representative set of men declarations, made under similar political conditions.Statements of principles are performative acts setting speakers as political figures. Does gender impact political discourse and speeches? Did gender representations significantly evolve within the 12 legislative periods of the Fifth Republic?To answer these questions, we resorted to a set of text statistics methods in the framework of digital humanities. The thesis provides a comprehensive description of the development of women ethos within fifty years, bringing to light the gradual emergence of original themes and subjects.

Cette recherche propose une analyse de la construction de l’idée du Français prototypique – la francité – et de ses effets sociaux sur la catégorisation des individus. Elle vise à prendre le Français majoritaire comme objet d’étude au même titre que les groupes minoritaires, et par-là, à mettre en évidence la logique de production de figures d’« altérité intérieure » (ceux qui ne sont pas ou pas tout à fait Français). L’étude s’appuie sur les résultats de deux enquêtes : analyse du discours politique, et enquête ethnographique sur une pratique institutionnelle d'intégration. D'une part, l'analyse révèle la transition du Français majoritaire référentiel qui ne nécessite aucune définition spécifique, au Français ethnicisé et dénommé (le « français de souche »). D'autre part, elle montre que les critères définitoires du Français convergent vers la dimension civique, avec pour effet de différencier des populations dans la société française en fonction de l'adhésion à ou du respect des « valeurs républicaines ». C’est cette conception actuelle du Français qui imprègne fortement le Contrat d’accueil et d’intégration. L’enquête sur ce dispositif nous dévoile les catégorisations de « Nous » et « Eux » autour de la francité mises en œuvre par les agents, et les diverses tactiques de résistance et de gestion des impressions par les signataires en réponse à ces catégorisations. / This thesis analyses the construction of the idea of prototypical French – Frenchness – and its social effects on the categorization of individuals. The aim of this research is to take the French majority as an object of study in the same way as minority groups, and to highlight the logics of the production of figures of « internal otherness » (those who are viewed as not or not totally French). The study relies on the data from two types of investigations: political discourse analysis, and ethnographic research on a specific institutional practice of integration. On the one hand, the analysis shows the transition from a figure of the French majority as a reference requiring no specific definition, to an ethnicized and specified French figure (“French-lineage French”). On the other hand, we observe that the criteria which define Frenchness converge into its civic dimension, with the effect of differentiating the populations in French society according to their commitment to or respect of “republican values”. This current conception of Frenchness forms the basis of the “welcome and integration contract”. Fieldwork on this program reveals the categorizations of “Us” and “Them” around the Frenchness implemented by the officials, and the various tactics of resistance and impression management employed by the signatories as a response to these categorizations.

This thesis is a discursive investigation of contested political discourse. Using Discursive Psychology, I analyse broadcast political debates on the European Union to explore how politicians advocate and defend their political positions in an argumentative context of justification and criticism. Past research in social psychology and cognate disciplines has investigated ideology from a multitude of views. Following a move away from mainstream approaches I demonstrate how some qualitative approaches treat it as a live matter in broadcast political debates. For my data I have chosen the controversial political battleground that is the European Union and what it means for Britain. The contribution of Discursive Psychology comes in highlighting the contested, rhetorical, nature of ideology . In this thesis I draw upon Discursive Psychology to explore how this contestation unfolds as situated practice in multi-party conversations about the EU. Politicians will argue in favour or against the EU, often on the grounds of what the implication is for Britain. In this thesis I argue that Discursive Psychology is best equipped to allow us to study this as an activity; an observable, and contextual, social action. The analytical chapters focus on three interrelated aspects of political argumentation: the construction and use of factual claims (including demonstrations of knowledge statuses ) and counterclaims, the role of overlapping talk, and the function of laughter and derision. The first analytical chapter seeks to elucidate some of the ways in which facts and situated knowledge displays of them are oriented to as an argumentative matter and how they can be challenged. The second analytic chapter illustrates the role played by overlapping talk and challenges in managing the argument at hand. The last analytic chapter focuses on the accomplishment of derision in broadcast political debates, particularly on how derision can be used as form of counterclaim. Ultimately, this thesis demonstrates the usefulness of Discursive Psychology in understanding the discursive dynamics of mobilisation, contestation, and defence of contrasting viewpoints in the service of political argumentation. Discursive Psychology can help social psychologists get a much deeper appreciation of the situated, and discursively dynamic, nature of political argumentation and conflict in talk.

This article proposes an approach to the integration of the city of Buenos Aires within the trade flow which connected the Atlantic area with the Viceroyalty of Peru, through a political-cultural analysis of the relationship between a peripheral space and the Crown, which lends meaning and legitimacy to the failure to comply with royal provisions and to the successive requests by local powers to bring about the commercial opening of the port. Specifically, we address the problem of building a political discourse at the heart of the cabildo of Buenos Aires, between the years 1610 and 1660, through which was revealed a conceptualization of the enclave, of its relationship with the Crown and of its function within a larger political body. / Este artículo propone una aproximación a la integración de la ciudad de Buenos Aires en el flujo mercantil que articulaba el espacio atlántico y el virreinato del Perú a través del análisis político-cultural de la relación de un espacio periféricoc on la Corona, en el que adquieren sentido y legitimidad el incumplimiento delas disposiciones reales y las sucesivas peticiones del poder local para conseguirla apertura comercial del puerto. Específicamente se aborda el problema de la construcción de un discurso político en el seno del cabildo de Buenos Aires, entre los años 1610 y 1660, por medio del cual se desplegó una conceptualización del enclave, de su relación con la Corona y de su función dentro de un cuerpo político mayor.

The thesis focuses on the textual analysis of discourse and its methods. The goal of this thesis is to carry out comparative analysis of selected presidential discourses of Nicolas Sarkozy and Václav Klaus pronounced from 2007 to 2010 and to deduce general rules for the structure of the discourses in question. The thesis is divided into a theoretical part, which defines the subject of study, methodology and individual approaches of textual analysis of discourse, and practical part including the analysis of presidential discourses focused especially on the sequential and argumentation structure, the function of connectors, the use of lexical connotations and on the hierarchy of speech acts.

The aim of this Master's thesis is to analyse the means of persuasion in Czech and Spanish texts of political discourse. The thesis is divided into a theoretical part and a practical part. The first chapter of the theoretical part is focused on the pragmatics. The second chapter deals with the discourse and the specific characteristics of political language. In the last chapter of the theoretical part we introduce the term of persuasion and afterwards we describe the linguistic means of persuasion in political discourse. The practical part is focused on the proper research conducted on the basis of the selected sample of Czech and Spanish political texts. The result of this thesis is a comparison of the data obtained from the analysis between the above mentioned languages. The thesis is finally summarized in Spanish résumé.

SILVA, Valney Veras da. O discurso político da legitimização da corrupção parlamentar nas crises políticas da era Lula. 2011. 471f. – Dissertação (Mestrado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Letras Vernáculas, Programa de Pós-graduação em Linguística, Fortaleza (CE), 2011. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-08-18T16:16:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_dis_vvsilva.pdf: 4280093 bytes, checksum: 34b5af0f244e2737634e371aa5d7bd0b (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-08-18T16:55:13Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_dis_vvsilva.pdf: 4280093 bytes, checksum: 34b5af0f244e2737634e371aa5d7bd0b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-18T16:55:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2011_dis_vvsilva.pdf: 4280093 bytes, checksum: 34b5af0f244e2737634e371aa5d7bd0b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / This study aims to analyze the political discourse of the Senate, in the ordinary pro-nunciamentos with in order to verify the legitimacy of the discourse of corruption, in times of crisis the government of President Luis Inacio Lula da Silva. As the crisis periods are periods of political crisis of legitimacy, it becomes possible to observe how the speech in favor of political corruption is legitimized these crises. Two major political crises are examined: the "Mafia Leeches" and "Project Clean Record." The corpus of the analysis consists of seventy-seven statements whose themes are the two aforementioned crises and political corrup-tion. The dissertation is divided into four sections, the first of which is the theoretical con-tent. The perspective of van Dijk (2003, 2006, 2008) fundamental research with its approach of Critical Studies in Discourse and its proposed multi-tidisciplinar that relates cognition, so-ciety and discourse. The second section presents a historical-political context of political cor-ruption in Brazil, as of social representations, from the perspective of Moscovici (2009) and Jovchelovitch (2010). The third section presents the research methodology, which is qualita-tive, subjective nature of interpretation. The rhetoric and topoi are categories of analysis, based on the theory of argumentative rhetoric of Billig (2008), which will build on the theory of conceptual metaphors, due to their socio-cognitive aspects (Lakoff, Johnson, 1980; Ko-vecses, 2002 ). The fourth section is the analysis of the discourses that legitimate political speech in support of corruption, pointing as a result veiled by the legitimacy of actors / writers politicians who seek to exercise the abuse of power in politics. The topoi built by the pro-nouncements of the Senate confirm the legitimacy of political discourseparliamentary corrup-tion, and the relationship of abuse of power among social groups. / Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar os discursos políticos do Senado Federal, nos pronunciamentos ordinários, com o fim de constatar a legitimação do discurso da corrupção, nos períodos de crise do governo do Presidente Luis Inácio Lula da Silva. Como os períodos de crise política são períodos de crise de legitimação, torna-se viável observar como o discurso em favor da corrupção política é legitimado nestas crises. Duas principais crises políticas são analisadas: a “Máfia dos Sanguessugas” e o “projeto Ficha Limpa”. O corpus da análise é composto por setenta e sete pronunciamentos cuja temática são as duas crises anteriormente mencionadas e a corrupção política. A dissertação é dividida em quatro seções, das quais a primeira é a de conteúdo teórico. A perspectiva teórica de van Dijk (2003, 2006, 2008) fundamenta a pesquisa com sua abordagem dos Estudos Críticos do Discurso e sua proposta multidisciplinar que relaciona a cognição, a sociedade e o discurso. A segunda seção apresenta uma contextualização histórico-política da corrupção política no Brasil, a partir das representações sociais, segundo a perspectiva de Moscovici (2009) e Jovchelovitch (2010). A terceira seção apresenta a metodologia da pesquisa, que é qualitativa de cunho subjetivo-interpretativa. A retórica e os topoi são as categorias de análise, baseadas na teoria da retórica argumentativa de Billig (2008), que serão construídos a partir da teoria das metáforas conceituais, devido seu aspecto sócio-cognitivo (Lakoff; Johnson, 1980; Kovecses, 2002). A quarta seção é a análise dos discursos políticos que legitimam o discurso em favor da corrupção, apontando como resultado a legitimação velada por meio de atores/redatores políticos, que buscam exercer o abuso de poder no campo político. Os topois construídos pelos pronunciamentos dos Senadores confirmam o discurso político de legitimação da corrupção parlamentar, e a relação de abuso de poder entre grupos sociais.

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / No ano de 2006, ocorrem as reeleições de Hugo Chávez na Venezuela, Lula no Brasil e a eleição de Evo Morales na Bolívia. Esses três atores sociais passam a chamar a atenção da mídia e de analistas políticos internacionais não apenas pelo potencial energético (petróleo e gás) que une os respectivos países em trocas comerciais cada vez mais crescentes, como também na personalidade carismática, polêmica e simbólica dos presidentes, todos com índices exacerbados de empatia e antipatia. Essa espécie de coincidência temporal da emergência de presidentes com um perfil que se vincula a uma proposta popular ou populista chama a atenção para o modo como se atualiza a memória discursiva esquerdista em seus discursos, além dos ethé relacionados aos presidentes. Nosso objetivo é por meio de pistas lingüísticas (modalidade e pessoa), detectar traços de subjetividade e heterogeneidade que configurem imagens discursivas e memórias discursivas relacionadas a uma tradição esquerdista no continente. Parte-se de um problema maior, o de compreensão do panorama político atual, tendo em vista as inúmeras polêmicas relacionadas aos três presidentes, para nossa questão de investigação: em manifestação do discurso político, no gênero pronunciamento de posse, qual a construção discursiva de ethé presidenciais perpassados de vozes de um Eu e de Outros? O que os afasta e o que os aproxima? Utiliza-se o corpo teórico da Análise do Discurso enunciativa e os conceitos propostos por Maingueneau (2004 e 2005) e Amossy (2005): ethos, prática discursiva e memória discursiva; de Bakhtin (2006), gênero discursivo; de Authier-Revuz (1998), heterogeneidade discursiva. Como categorias analíticas, Cervoni (1989), modalidade e Benveniste (1995), marcas de pessoa. O recorte do corpus foi determinado pelas estabilidades discursivas encontradas no gênero pronunciamento de posse, a análise, partindo dessas estabilidades, organizou-se em blocos relativos a: autobiografia, agradecimentos, promessas e revisão histórica. Em cada bloco, foram observados os traços marcantes dos ethé presidenciais. Os resultados indicam traços de ethos semelhantes nos discursos de Chávez e Morales, ainda que de tipos diferentes e por meio de marcas lingüísticas diferenciadas. Configura-se um mosaico de referências possíveis a uma esquerda bolivariana por meio das imagens e interdiscursos. Lula também apresenta imagens que remetem a um líder do povo, no entanto não apresenta tantas evidências de heterogeneidade marcada como nos demais, mobilizando não tanto a memória discursiva da esquerda como os outros, o que configura uma imagem de confiança e segurança e maior independência intelectual em relação aos demais

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:24:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 6287.pdf: 1461548 bytes, checksum: 7802c83c9406bc9f606e5a8901a6de73 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-09-18 / Financiadora de Estudos e Projetos / We aim with this dissertation, conduct an analysis of discursive pronouncements tenure of the presidents of the Republic, in order to ascertain the effects of meaning of the word "people" produced in these speeches, along with the images of themselves that every president conveys, in building "us "political as well as the image of the auditorium of these pronouncements. For this, we take as our research corpus pronouncements tenure of presidents Tancredo Neves (1985), José Sarney (1985), Fernando Collor de Melo (1990), Franco (1992), Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1994, 1999), Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003, 2007) and Dilma Rousseff (2011). For this, we take as our research corpus pronouncements tenure of presidents Tancredo Neves (1985), José Sarney (1985), Fernando Collor de Melo (1990), Franco (1992), Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1994, 1999), Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003, 2007) and Dilma Rousseff (2011). We promote a brief characterization of the political discourse, we make a theoretical route, introducing some important caveats to our analysis of its operation. Thus, we try to show how it gives the relationship of what is meant by politics and what became known as political discourse. A third point to be addressed is the formation of identities and the legitimacy and political discourse in an attempt to better understand the subject that gives the president the power to say. Then, by considering the pronouncement presidential inauguration ritual that requires a specific discourse genre, we briefly discuss about some considerations about the discourse genre, topic that is discussed further in the discussion of specific genres and ritual part, we make a parallel between the ritual inauguration and gender pronouncement of possession. To help us meet our analyzes, we present a discussion of the notion of Production Conditions of discourse in order to show how this concept becomes productive for understanding the production of meanings in the discourse. Having analyzed the senses of people present in the above pronouncements of possession, promote, in the third chapter, an analysis of how the image is constructed in these presidential speeches, with reference to the meanings produced for "people" in the previous chapter, ie, how the subjects presidents create an image of themselves in relation to the senses of the people present in his speech. At the conclusion of this work, one can see that the sense of "people" acquires a watery consistency, slipping widely not only from a speech to another, as even within a single discourse, producing effects of various senses, which corroborates the assertion that these senses, this division does not watertight, but acquires new and constantly different contours. / Objetivamos, com esta tese, proceder a uma análise discursiva dos pronunciamentos de posse dos presidentes da República, visando verificar os efeitos de sentido da palavra povo produzidos nesses discursos, juntamente com as imagens de si que cada presidente veicula, na construção do nós político, bem como a imagem do auditório desses pronunciamentos. Para tanto, tomamos como corpus de nossa pesquisa os pronunciamentos de posse dos presidentes Tancredo Neves (1985), José Sarney (1985), Fernando Collor de Melo (1990), Itamar Franco (1992), Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1994, 1999), Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (2003, 2007) e Dilma Rousseff (2011). Promovemos uma breve caracterização sobre o discurso político, em que fazemos um percurso teórico, introduzindo alguns pressupostos importantes para nossa análise sobre o seu funcionamento. Desta forma, buscaremos mostrar de que modo se dá a relação do que se entende por política e o que ficou conhecido como discurso político. Um terceiro ponto a ser abordado é a constituição das identidades e legitimidades no e do discurso político, na tentativa de compreendermos melhor o que atribui ao sujeito presidente o poder-dizer. Em seguida, por considerarmos o pronunciamento de posse presidencial um ritual que requer um gênero discursivo específico, discutiremos brevemente sobre algumas considerações acerca dos gêneros do discurso, tema que será aprofundado na parte específica à discussão sobre gêneros e ritual, em que fazemos um paralelo entre o ritual de posse presidencial e o gênero pronunciamento de posse. A fim de conseguirmos realizar nossas análises, apresentamos uma discussão sobre a noção de Condições de Produção do discurso, de forma a mostrar de que modo esse conceito torna-se produtivo para a compreensão da produção dos sentidos no discurso. Tendo analisado os sentidos de povo presentes nos pronunciamentos de posse supracitados, promoveremos, no capítulo terceiro, uma análise da forma como a imagem presidencial é construída nesses discursos, tendo como referência os sentidos produzidos para povo no capítulo anterior, isto é, de que forma os sujeitos presidentes criam uma imagem de si, em relação aos sentidos de povo presentes em seu pronunciamento. Na conclusão deste trabalho, se poderá ver que o sentido de povo adquire uma consistência liquefeita, deslizando amplamente não só de um discurso para outro, como até mesmo no interior de um mesmo discurso, produzindo efeitos de sentidos vários, o que corrobora a afirmação de que esses sentidos, essa divisão não se faz estanque, mas adquire novos e diversos contornos constantemente.

In the modern world of politics, convincing the audience is the key to democratically gain power in society—and the amount of power politicians gain depends on how convincing they are. In this competitive domain, elites use discourse not only to persuade the audience, but also to manipulate the audience. According to van Dijk (2006), persuasion is a legitimate and ethical way to influence the audience, while manipulation is an illegitimate and unethical way of influencing the audience. The present study examines pronoun usage in the political discourse of Donald Trump; it examines the State of the Union Speech and 37 Weekly Addresses. The quantitative approach to the data was taken by incorporating corpus linguistic methods, namely frequency counts, concordances, word list tools, and downsampling. The qualitative approach was taken by using methods from rhetoric and Critical Discourse Analysis. To analyse the examined phenomenon, the Aristotelian persuasion framework, Fairclough’s theory on the pronouns we and you, van Dijk’s triangulation framework with its focus on manipulation, and Wieczorek’s taxonomy of speakers were used. The study concluded that in both the State of the Union Address and the Weekly Addresses, Donald Trump frequently and interchangeably uses the pronouns we and our to refer to two groups with unequal power relations to one another. The identified patterns placed within the societal context of the examined text persuade the recipients. Pronouns such as we, our, I, and they play a key role in the elements of ethos and pathos. Furthermore, the identified patterns placed within the societal context of the examined text also showed that Donald Trump uses discourse structure to use short term memory and long term memory properties to manipulate the audience.