This PhD thesis concerns language and racism. The aim is to explore how racism is reproduced in interaction in public debates on immigration, integration and refugee policy. From a constructivist pragmatic perspective, language is considered as a practice that composes and makes sense of our social world and all the phenomena and individuals that we perceive in it. Racist discourses discriminate against and privilege people by categorising them according to notions of cultural, ethnical, racial, religious and national differences. The thesis has two main themes: 1) the linguistic reproduction of, and response to, racist discrimination and privileging in interaction, and 2) the role of language in various public arenas, and the norms and conditions for participation in these arenas. The thesis comprises five studies. Study I examines racist discourses and conditions for participation in an online newspaper comments section. Study II examines how the phrase “politically correct” is used and negotiated in the same comments section, and how its usage leads to the reproduction and normalisation of racism. Another comments section is the focus of Study III, in which discriminating and privileging categorisations of Muslims, Islam, Swedes and Sweden are analysed. Study IV examines an anti-racist forum on the social networking site Instagram. In the study, the reproduction of norms of whiteness is analysed, as well as power relations that are evoked, sustained and transformed in interaction. Finally, Study V is an analysis of linguistic, visual and material reproductions of political positions and racist discourses in a debate among party leaders on Swedish television. The thesis demonstrates how normalisation of racism is accomplished in interaction, and how reproduction of hierarchically structured difference and bigoted stereotypes are performed, and challenged, through language. The medium, combined with the user’s speech acts, set up the norms and conditions for participation, and for the discursive processes that reproduce the relations and structures of power.

This research is concerned with Pakistan's participation in the US-led 'war on terror' in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks of September 11th, 2001. The study seeks to explain how Pakistan's state practice in the aftermath of 9/11 was normalised and made possible. In explaining the state practice, the study draws on a constructivist conceptual framework; which is further enhanced by incorporating key theoretical insights from critical realism. In the first instance, the study proposes that Pakistan's participation in the 'war on terror', seen as a set of actions and practices, was an outcome of a specific domestic political discourse. This discourse enabled and legitimised the state's alliance with the US and its abandonment of the Taliban regime. Secondly, the study is concerned with explaining why the particular discourse emerged in the shape and form that it did. In this context, the argument is that a depth 'critical realist' ontological inquiry can reveal underlying and enduring global and domestic social structural contexts, and traces of agential influence as connected to the discourse. Consequently, this study conceptualises Pakistan's actions in the context of the 'war on terror' as emerging from a multi-causal complex in which discourse, structure and agency are complicit. The study represents a departure from realist readings that emphasise a mono-causal relationship between the US and Pakistan. Instead, this research uses a synthesis of critical realism and constructivism to add a fresh perspective in terms of how we may conceptualise Pakistan's political practice in this instance.

Šios disertacijos tyrimo objektas – kalbinės politinės konfliktinės komunikacijos išraiškos priemonės, būdingos Lietuvos ir Didžiosios Britanijos vadovų politiniame diskurse (1998–2008). Šis tyrimas atskleidžia faktą, jog kalbinės priemonės yra glaudžiai susijusios su kalbančiojo ideologija bei kultūros nulemtomis kalbinėmis praktikomis. Disertacijoje tiriamos tokios kognityvinės lingvistikos sąvokos, kaip konceptualiosios metaforos, domenas, prasmės sritis bei kalbinės priemonės – nominacijos. Žvelgiant iš siauros lingvistikos metodologijos perspektyvos, komparatyvinė analizė ir aprašomasis analitinis metodas naudojami Lietuvos ir Didžiosios Britanijos vadovų konfliktinės komunikacijos diskurso tyrime. Didžiosios Britanijos ir Lietuvos politiniame diskurse isreikštas konfliktas turi bendrų ir skirtingų bruožų. Bendrumą nulemia bendra konfliktinės komunikacijos esmė – politinių jėgų pozicijų ir interesų nesutapimai. Skirtumai remiasi įvairių politinių kultūrų ypatumais. Politinė konkurencija tiek Lietuvoje, tiek Didžiojoje Britanijoje remiasi domenais pokyčiai ir nauda. Tos pačios POLITIKA – TAI KARAS, POLITIKA – TAI KELIONĖ ir VALSTYBĖ – TAI PASTATAS metaforos Šios yra būdingos abiejų šalių politinei komunikacijai. Tačiau Didžiosios Britanijos politiniame gyvenime konfliktinė komunikacija turi ideologinį pobūdį, o Lietuvos vadovų konfliktinės komunikacijos diskurse politinis konfliktas išreikštas ne kaip ideologinis konfliktas. / The object of this research is the linguistic means of political conflict communication that are characteristic of the political discourse of the political leaders of Great Britain and Lithuania (1998–¬2008). This dissertation discloses the fact that linguistic means are closely related to the ideology of the speaker and linguistic practices are conditioned by culture. Such cognitive linguistic concepts as conceptual metaphors, domain, meaning field and such linguistic means as nominations are analysed in this dissertation. Looking from the narrow perspective of linguistic methodology, comparative analysis and descriptive-analytical methods are applied in the conflict communication discourse research of the political leaders of Lithuania and Great Britain. The conflict which is expressed in the political discourse of these countries has both similarities and differences. Resemblance is determined by the general essence of conflict communication, i.e., the discrepancy between positions taken by political forces and interests. Differences are based on the peculiarities of the two political cultures. Political competition in both Lithuania and Great Britain is based on the domains change and benefit. The same POLITICS IS WAR, POLITICS IS A JOURNEY and THE STATE IS A BUILDING conceptual metaphors are characteristic of political communication of both countries. However, conflict communication has an ideological nature in the political life of Great Britain while in the discourse... [to full text]

(in English): This work deals with the representation of the SDG in political party programs for elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Czech Republic in 2013 and 2017. Specifically, the parties are ANO, Civic Democratic Party, Pirate Party, Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia and Czech Social Democratic Party. In the theoretical part, through the Agenda theory, was discussed the process of forming a political agenda at national and international level. Furthermore, the concept of sustainable development is explained, including the development it has undergone historically. Then the position of electoral programs in political discourse is described. The description of the methodology is followed by a chapter devoted to analysis, where the analysis processes are described in detail, including a detailed description of the findings. In the following chapter, the results of the analysis are interpreted and, at the end, all findings are discussed and confronted with other research as well as the limits of this work.

This thesis explores the political discourse´s portrayal of elderly needs in Sweden, as well as discourses the lived effects on the elderly population. The study is guided by the following research questions 1) What is the current political discourses construction of elderly´s needs? And 2) How could this discourse affect the elderly population? To fulfil the purpose and answer the research questions the study utilizes a critical discourse analysis. The study also employs a wide theoretical foundation with central concepts deriving both from a general sociological tradition, such as symbolic interactionism. As well as more specialized gerontological theories, such as ageism and structured dependency. By using a thematic analysis as well as a synthesising analysis the study provided both an in-depth and collected depiction of the discourse on elderly needs as well as its lived effects. The analysis found four thematics of interest, a) Emotional needs b) elderly´s need of others c) organizational needs and d) basic amenities. All of which were characterized by a dystopian and ageist portrayal of old age. Seemingly based on ageist stereotypes rather than the characteristics of the actual demographic. Similarly, the overall narrative showed that elderly where portrayed as a homogenized collective of others. The narrative also depicted elderly as a very simple, dependant and burdensome demographic. The lived effects were varied under the thematic analysis, these could be characterized under two overarching trends. Firstly, the risk that elderly embrace the dystopian role depicted in the discourse. Secondly the discourses skewed portrayal of elderly can lead to less effective and potentially destructive policies and resource allocation.

Cette thèse analyse les causes de l’apparition, la nature des discours, les modes d’institutionnalisation et les effets sociaux produits par les populismes bulgares pendant une période de plus de vingt ans : de 1992 à 2013. On soutient notamment l’hypothèse que les populismes bulgares catalysent une « révolution rampante » qui remet en cause les hiérarchies sociales et les canaux de représentation politique émanant de la « révolution du palais » de 1989. Elle résulte de la dialectique entre l’institutionnalisation de l’idéologie populiste en tant que grille d’analyse de la réalité et de l’impossibilité de sa réalisation par les partis formés autour des leaders qui la mobilisent. / This thesis analyses the reasons of the appearance, the type of discourse, the modes of institutionalization and the social effects generated by the Bulgarian populisms over a period of more than twenty years: from 1992 to 2013. We argue that Bulgarian populism catalyses a "creeping revolution": it questions the social hierarchies and the channels of political representation that results from the "palace revolution" of 1989; it is a consequence of the dialectic between the institutionalization of the populist ideology as an analytical framework and the impossibility of its implementation by the parties formed around the leaders who mobilize it. / Дисертацията анализира причините за появата, природата на дискурса, типовете институционализация и социалните ефекти, породени от популизмите в България през период от повече от двадесет години: от 1992 г. до 2013 г. Защитава се хипотезата, че популизмите в България катализират “пълзяща революция”. Тя поставя под съмнение социалните йерархии и каналите за политическо представителство, произтичащи от “дворцовия преврат” от 1989 г. Причина за това е диалектиката между институционализацията на популистката идеология като аналитична рамка за разбиране на политическите и икономически процеси и невъзможността за нейната реализация от партиите, формирани около лидерите, които я изповядват.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T19:34:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Cesar Cavalcante.pdf: 873806 bytes, checksum: 3e87a218ed4924d639f375914000f954 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This research aims to analyze how fear end hope as passions are used in the political discourse during campaign. Specifically, it seeks to show that the audience is a mere rhetorical resource built by the speaker. Thus, we defend that the ethos, pathos and logos are in constant interaction towards the act of persuasion. Knowing the needs and desires of the audience, the speaker works with feelings related to absence, lack, frustration of the basic human needs. After denouncing a chaotic situation of disorder provoking fear and despair, the speaker announces himself as the savior, as the only way to rescue an era of order, justice and security. The moment of the promise of the action and the action itself causes the feeling of hope of a better life embodied by the politician considered a public man. At this moment we have a new semantic feature which stems from the foundation on the Carta de Pero Vaz de Caminha, who once wrote and the best seed is to save these people , creating the myth of the politician as the savior, the hero. Without putting an end on this issue, this work leaves a reflection whether the passions of fear and hope are common to any political discourse during electoral campaign / Este trabalho tem por objetivo analisar como o medo e a esperança considerados paixões se configuram no discurso político em época de campanha eleitoral. Especificamente, procura constatar que o ouvinte mero recurso retórico-argumentativo construído pelo seu orador político. Desta forma, mostra-se que o ethos, pathos e logos estão em constante interação concorrendo para angariar a adesão do auditório às teses defendidas pelo orador. Conhecedor das necessidades e desejos de seus eleitores, o orador político trabalha com as paixões relacionadas à angústia, à carência, à falta das necessidades básicas do ser humano. Depois de denunciar uma situação de caos e desequilíbrio, provocando certo temor e desespero; o orador se arvora em justiceiro, em Salvador, no único caminho possível de resgate da ordem, da justiça e da segurança. Esse momento de espera entre a promessa da ação e da ação, propriamente dita, é que gera a esperança de uma vida melhor pela figura do político, como homem público. Dá-se neste ponto a ressemantização do discurso fundador da carta de Pero Vaz de Caminha, em que a melhor semente é salvar essa gente , resultando no mito do político como herói, como Salvador. Sem esgotar o assunto, este trabalho deixa uma reflexão sobre a possibilidade de as paixões do medo e esperança serem comuns a todo o discurso político em época de campanha eleitoral

O presente trabalho tem como proposta estudar os efeitos de sentido produzidos pelo emprego de metáforas discursivas, enquanto escolhas linguísticas contextualizadas culturalmente e transmissoras de ideologia, como estratégia argumentativa construtora de significado. Além de constituírem estratégia argumentativa de eficácia já comprovada por estudiosos como Perelman e Olbrechts-Tyteca (2005 [1958]), as metáforas podem também revelar valores e ideologias, pois, como dizem Lakoff e Johnson (2002[1980]), nosso sistema conceptual é basicamente metafórico, portanto, nosso pensamento é metaforicamente estruturado e sua manifestação através da enunciação é reveladora da relação que temos com o mundo. Neste estudo, em que se procede à análise de pronunciamentos e entrevistas de Fernando Collor de Mello, por se tratar de análise do discurso político, optou-se ainda por utilizar como abordagem teórico-metodológica a Análise Crítica do Discurso (ACD), conforme proposta de Fairclough (1997), instrumento de estudo da linguagem como prática social, forma de ação sobre o mundo. O objetivo é fazer um estudo crítico no intuito de desvendar a maneira pela qual alguém exerce o controle sobre uma ocasião social através das formas linguísticas que emprega (WODAK, 2004). As Teorias da Metáfora e a Análise Crítica do Discurso encontram seu ponto de convergência na proposta teórica de Charteris-Black (2004), a Análise Crítica da Metáfora. Definida por seu autor como uma abordagem semânticocognitiva que analisa criticamente metáforas presentes em discursos e manifestos políticos para evidenciar sua importância como veículo da ideologia no discurso de áreas em que influenciar julgamentos é um objetivo central, a ACM (Análise Crítica da Metáfora) foi incluída nessa pesquisa dada a sua pertinência no estudo das escolhas metafóricas de Fernando Collor de Mello. Foram selecionadas algumas formulações discursivas atribuídas ao referido político, ex-presidente da República do Brasil e atual senador pelo estado de Alagoas, amostras que, acredita-se, retratam momentos diversos de sua atribulada trajetória política, ilustrando o teor de sua relação com o poder. A hipótese é que as metáforas nelas utilizadas sejam reveladoras de aspectos cognitivos, culturais e ideológicos da visão de mundo de Fernando Collor, constituam sua identidade e sejam eficientes estratégias argumentativas, visto que se estabelecem como forma de ação e interação persuasiva em um meio social. A análise do corpus permitiu observar que Collor, por meio da linguagem metafórica que emprega em seus discursos, frequentemente apela à emoção e ao imaginário de seus interlocutores na tentativa de construir uma identidade de força e combatividade e de fazê-los aderirem às suas ideias; torna, assim, suas manifestações discursivas em fértil campo de estudo sobre transmissão de ideologia e habilidade argumentativa. / This work proposes to study the effects of meaning produced by the use of discursive metaphors, while culturally contextualized linguistic choices and ideology transmitters, as an argumentative strategy of meaning construction. In addition to being an argumentative strategy whose effectiveness was already proven by scholars such as Perelman and Olbrechts- Tyteca (2005 [1958]), metaphors can also reveal values and ideologies, because, according to Lakoff and Johnson (2002 [1980]), our conceptual system is basically metaphorical, so our thought is metaphorically structured and its manifestation through language use may reveal our relationship with the world. In this political discourse study, which carries out the analysis of some of Fernando Collor de Mellos speeches and interviews, the option was to use Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) as a theoretical and methodological approach proposed by Fairclough (1997), an instrument for language study as social practice, action over the world, therefore. The goal is to make a critical study in order to reveal how one exerts control over a social occasion through linguistic forms he employs. (Wodak, 2004). Metaphor Theories and Critical Discourse Analysis find their point of convergence in Charteris-Black (2004) theoretical proposal, Critical Metaphor Analysis. Defined by its author as a semanticcognitive approach that critically examines metaphors in political speeches and manifestos to highlight its importance as a vehicle of ideology in areas where influencing judgments is a central discourse goal, CMA (Critical Metaphor Analysis) was included in this research given its relevance in the study of Fernando Collor de Mello metaphorical choices. Some discursive formulations assigned to that politician, former Brazils president and current senator for the state of Alagoas, were selected, samples believed to depict different moments of his eventful political career, illustrating the content of his relationship with power. The hypothesis is that metaphors used in them are indicative of Fernando Collors cognitive, cultural and ideological worldview, constitute his identity and work as efficient argumentative strategies, since they set themselves as ways of persuasive action and interaction in a social environment. Corpus analysis helped identify that Collor, by employing metaphorical language in his speeches, often appeals to his counterparts emotion and imagination, in an attempt to build an identity of force and toughness and to make them adhere to his ideas, thus turning his discursive manifestations into a fertile field of study on ideology transmission and argumentative skills.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:46:27Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ana Claudia Dale Vedove Goto.pdf: 4797508 bytes, checksum: da32dc89ddc9fa6c4e189e9b41aad4ec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-14 / This study has as its theme the build of the hero and the villain in a political discourse, most especially in the discourse of Fernando Collor de Mello, based mainly on the semiotic theory of French line and the methodology developed by Algirdas J. Greimas and in Brazil by Diana Luz Pessoa de Barros and José Luiz Fiorin. The purposes are to examine the narrative and discursive strategies applied as persuasion mechanisms in a political discourse; among these strategies, show the resources used in the creation of the figure of the hero; check the intertextual and interdiscursive relations present in the text, which builds the ideological and socio-historical context of the discourses; to examine the role of the setting of the hero in a political discourse; and checking how Collor set up himself as a hero and how the media supported to create the hero picture taken by the political, until to the achievement of the presidency of the country, and the villain picture when he begun to be investigated by the crimes of corruption. The material analyzed consists of Fernando Collor discourse as president in 1990 and as a senator in 2007, beside of this and two magazine where the politician was masthead, and some records of the main printed communication press of the time. With the linguisticdiscursive analysis, it was possible to draw the line of the hero powerful as opposed to the hero suffered , used as persuasion techniques in political discourse. / Este trabalho tem como tema a construção do herói e do vilão no discurso político, mais especialmente no discurso de Fernando Collor de Mello, com base, principalmente, na teoria semiótica de linha francesa e a metodologia desenvolvidas por Algirdas J. Greimas e, no Brasil, por Diana Luz Pessoa de Barros e José Luiz Fiorin. Os objetivos são: examinar as estratégias narrativas e discursivas utilizadas como mecanismos de persuasão no discurso político; entre essas estratégias, mostrar os recursos utilizados na construção da figura do herói; verificar as relações intertextuais e interdiscursivas presentes nos textos e que constroem o contexto sóciohistórico e ideológico dos discursos; examinar o papel da construção do herói no discurso político; e verificar como Collor se construiu como herói e como a mídia contribuiu para criar a imagem de herói adotada pelo político até chegar à presidência, e de vilão, quando passou a ser investigado por crime de corrupção. O material analisado é constituído dos discursos deposse de Fernando Collor como presidente da República, em 1990, e como senador, em 2007, além de duas capas da revista Veja, em que o político foi destaque, e de alguns registros dos principais meios de comunicação impressa da época. Com a análise linguístico-discursiva, foi possível traçar o percurso do herói poderoso em oposição.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:46:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Roberto Clemente dos Santos.pdf: 476770 bytes, checksum: f7e90c4a9724c63d2803185e6064256b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-12-02 / Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie / This paper, the result of questioning pertaining to the images constructed in political discourse, has as corpus the inaugural discourse address of President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in 2003. This discourse was delivered by a poor citizen, northeastern and without a college degree who arrived in São Paulo, a steelworker, union president, but who rose to political positions to the presidency. The goal is not only to analyze the ethos of this enunciating subject, but also its constitution in the inauguration discourse, noting that this discourse is not defined as a information transmitter, but as effect of meaning between speakers. Moreover, the objective is to realize how the enunciating is constituted subject through the image construction that is evident to the enunciatee. We clarify that this paper joins the line of letters postgraduate research, discursive process and textual production of UPM considering as theoretical assunptions Brandão (2004), Charaudeau (2006) and Osakabe (1999), in Maingueneau line refering to speech. It is noteworthy that the image of this subject depends on how it interacts with the enunciatee, showing that who says it is worthy of credibility. The enunciating subject ethos builds itself on the speech, however, this construction is not something definite, and has thus, in several subjects in the course of it. The enunciating subject uses the discourse to show himself worthy to occupy the position for which he was elected. / A presente dissertação, fruto do questionamento referente às imagens construídas no discurso político, tem como corpus o discurso de posse do presidente Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva no ano de 2003. Esse discurso foi proferido por um cidadão pobre, nordestino e sem curso superior que chegou a São Paulo, foi metalúrgico, presidente do sindicato, mas que galgou posições políticas até a Presidência da República. Tem-se por objetivo analisar não só o ethos desse sujeito enunciador, mas também sua constituição no discurso de posse, observando que esse discurso não é definido como transmissor de informação, mas como efeito de sentido entre locutores. Além disso, objetiva-se perceber como o enunciador constitui-se sujeito por meio da construção da imagem que se evidencia para o enunciatário. Esclarecemos que esta dissertação filia-se à linha de pesquisa de pós-graduação em letras, processo discursivo e produção textual da UPM tendo como pressupostos teóricos Brandão (2004), Charaudeau (2006), Osakabe (1999), na linha de Maingueneau referente ao discurso. Destaca-se que a imagem desse sujeito depende da maneira como ele interage com o enunciatário, demonstrando que o que profere é digno de credibilidade. O ethos do sujeito enunciador constrói-se no discurso, no entanto, essa construção não é algo definido, configurando-se assim, em diversos sujeitos no decorrer dele. O sujeito enunciador utiliza-se do discurso para mostrar-se digno para ocupar o cargo para que fora eleito.