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The evolution and relative importance of four issues -- civic boosterism and community autonomy, public services and planning, financial considerations, and race-related considerations -- were examined and analyzed as critical factors in Roanoke, Virginia's historic use of annexation. Particular attention was paid to the 1943, 1949, and 1962 annexation suits because they occurred during the period of increasing county opposition to annexation. An historical and political geographic methodology, which focused on Guelke's idealism, was used to analyze the role of the two principal actors, city and county officials as public personae, whose actions on the four issues constituted the scenario for the city's thirteen annexation suits. Civic boosterism and community autonomy played the initial role motivating the two principal actors in each suit. Expanding population, urbanization, and the statutory changes in Virginia’s annexation laws in 1904 increased the importance of public services and planning and financial considerations. Race-related considerations, however, were publicly ignored until the late 1960s after passage of the civic rights legislation. Rising county opposition resulted in passage of numerous bills permitting counties to provide services and other government functions comparable to those offered by cities. This gave Roanoke County officials and their constituents an alternative to annexation. As a consequence, Roanoke County increasingly opposed the city's annexation plans. In 1980 Roanoke County gained immunity from further annexations. / Master of Science

This research focuses on the Israeli town of Sderot and the rocket attacks it experienced since 2001. Sderot is a unique case study because it represents a group of individuals in a democratic country that lived with terrorism for almost a decade before the state took major defensive action. The situation in Sderot is one which has lacked attention in the media and in Political Science research. By analyzing the level of attention by multiple actors to the crisis in Sderot, the reasons for the perpetual insecurity of its population are discussed. The crisis is analyzed on four main levels: the experience of individuals in Sderot, the response of the Israeli government, Israeli-Palestinian negotiations, and the role of the United Nations. The preliminary chapter examines the impact of living with rocket fire while exploring methods by which Sderot residents have engaged in activism to improve their quality of life. The following chapter discusses Israeli national defense policy and examines where Sderot has ranked on the State's list of priorities. The third chapter consists of two main sections: an analysis of Israeli-Palestinian peace negotiations, an explanation of Barnas' rise to power in Gaza. The latter section consists of an exploration of the politics surrounding the United Nation's level of attention to the crisis in Sderot. As one transitions from the individual level of analysis to the state level, the voices of Sderot residents become much quieter, and the realities of a state that is constantly attacked from beyond its borders can be understood. By analyzing the past failings of peace negotiations between Israeli and Palestinian leaders, lessons for future attempts at negotiations are discussed, and the ever-present link between peace and security is emphasized. Overall, the realities of daily life in a state which pursues a policy of security over diplomacy are illuminated.

This study develops a geographic theory relating to sub-imperial states and resistance to them. The theory is centred on what can be called the government-business-media (GBM) complex, whilst resistance to such states is characterised as counter-imperialist discourses. The theory is applied primarily to South Africa’s (SA’s) interactions with the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. The aim is to assess the state of SA’s sub-imperialism and evaluate the claim that this sub-imperialism is in crisis. The research findings are based on media material drawn from, and interviews conducted in, Botswana, Zambia and SA. The thesis outlines how sub-imperialism should be regarded as a distinct analytical and theoretical phenomenon. It explores the theoretical context in which the GBM complex and counter-imperialist discourses may be viewed. Using this theoretical framework, the study then traces the historical geographical development of SA’s GBM complex. Building on this, the thesis identifies and examines regional responses and attitudes to SA’s post-apartheid political, business and cultural-media engagement with the region, by analysing counter-imperialist discourses to SA during this period. In order to assess the current state of SA’s sub-imperialism, case studies were taken from the following four areas which cover crucial aspects of SA’s post-apartheid engagement with the region: SA’s parastatal expansion (Eskom); SA’s peacemaking role (Zimbabwe); SA’s state-driven rhetoric of multiculturalism and tolerance (xenophobia); and SA’s hosting of mega-events (2010 Football World Cup). In each of these areas the intended geopolitical and geoeconomic discourses of the GBM complex, and the corresponding responses in the region, are investigated. It is concluded that there is a discrepancy between the intended discourses of the GBM complex and the responses from the region, giving rise to counter-imperialist discourses. These discourses support the claim that SA’s sub-imperialism is in crisis.

A Área de Proteção Ambiental (APA) da Várzea do Rio Tietê é uma Unidade de Conservação estadual de Uso Sustentável localizada na Região Metropolitana de São Paulo (RMSP). A APA foi criada em 1987, em razão dos crescentes problemas com as inundações, para conservar as planícies de inundação do rio Tietê na RMSP. Entretanto, tem apresentado uma série de dificuldades para o seu funcionamento, desde inatividade e falta de conselho gestor nos anos 1990, até a adulteração do Plano de Manejo mais recentemente. Simultaneamente, no território da APA tem-se desenvolvido e sido propostas uma série de planos, programas e projetos de outras instituições estaduais, que conflitam com os seus objetivos. A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo entender os processos relativos à APA, que é pautada por um planejamento e zoneamento ambiental que se relaciona com planos, programas e projetos de outras instituições estaduais, que incidem no mesmo território. A pesquisa se baseia em uma análise a partir conceito de território e da contribuição das políticas públicas e da governança. A partir de levantamento documental, da observação participante e da análise espacial, são analisadas e comparadas as sobreposições territoriais e temporais dos planejamentos e dos projetos propostos, assim como suas articulações institucionais e espaços de participação. / The Environmental Protection Area (EPA) of the Floodplain of Tietês River is a state Conservation Unit of Sustainable Use located in Metropolitan Region of São Paulo (MRSP). The EPA was created in 1987 with the objective to reduce the growing flooding problems and protect the floodplain of Tietês River in the MRSP. However, it has faced many difficulties to function, from inactivity to absence of the manager council in the 1990s and to the recent adulteration of the Management Plan. Simultaneously it has been developed and proposed a series of plans, programs and projects by the other state institutions that conflict with EPA objectives in its territory. The current research objective is to comprehend how the EPA process, which are guided by an environmental planning and zoning, relates with the other state institutions plans, programs and projects that are being implemented in the same territory. The research is based in an analysis through the concept of territory, the contribution of the field of public policies and governance. Starting from documents research, participant observation and spatial analysis the other plans and projects are compared in a temporal and territorial superposition as well as the institutional relations and the participation spaces.

Esta tese discute a Geografia Política e Geopolítica produzida por geógrafos no período de 1982-2012, procura identificar quais os temas mais tratados, os lugares da produção e a existência de especialistas com ligação na formulação de políticas territoriais do Estado brasileiro. Neste sentido, questiona a renovação da Geografia no Brasil, mostra que a negligencia dos geógrafos com a análise do Estado não passou ao largo das instituições de ensino e pesquisa. Dentre os resultados alcançados, expõe a concentração da produção em poucos geógrafos, fato marcante em todo o século XX, a localização em grandes universidades dos centros urbanos e a ligação dos geógrafos como formuladores de políticas estatais de organização territorial. Conclui-se que, no período analisado, a obra de Bertha K. Becker é preponderante na Geografia Política e Geopolítica e que a renovação que pretendia olvidar a ligação dos geógrafos com o Estado não se efetivou, ao contrário viu crescer o número de trabalhos sobre políticas territoriais para o Estado. / This thesis discusses Political Geography and Geopolitics produced by geographers between 1982 and 2012, looking to identify which topics were the most discussed, the places where they were produced and the existence of specialists linked to the formulation of territorial policies of the Brazilian State. Thus, this thesis debates a new moment in Brazilian Geography, showing that the negligence of the geographers towards an analysis of the State did not go off the education and research institutions. Among the results achieved, this thesis also exposes the concentration of production in the hands of few geographers, an observed situation throughout the whole 20th century, the location of the production based on large universities in the biggest urban centers of the country, and the bond of geographers with State policies of territorial organization. It concludes that, during the period observed, the works of Bertha K. Becker are widely spread in the Political Geography and Geopolitc, and that the renew, which intended to make geographers not to produce studies about the State has failed, an in fact, the number of studies about territorial policies of the State has grown.

A presente tese é um trabalho de Ciência Política, com um grande esforço de estabelecer diálogos com outras disciplinas, como a Geografia, a Economia e o Marketing, no que diz respeito aos estudos eleitorais. Partindo do pressuposto de que distintos atores políticos possuem diferentes territórios eleitorais, formulamos a hipótese de que existe uma correlação entre a geograficidade e os resultados eleitorais. O termo geograficidade aqui não alude somente àquilo que é objeto da Geografia ou sobre a atividade específica do geógrafo, mas à diferenciação espacial, tendo em vista a relação existencial estabelecida entre o homem e seu território (espaço geográfico delimitado por relações de poder). O próprio título do trabalho, Eleições e Territórios, já evidencia sua abordagem transdisciplinar com a inclusão integrada de dois objetos distintos de estudos, que são considerados por diversas disciplinas. Observados esses elos entre a Ciência Política e tais disciplinas no que diz respeito à política, buscamos desenvolver um estudo mais aprofundado da relação entre eleições e territórios, considerando abordagens e instrumentos variados dessas disciplinas, o que, embora pautado em teorias políticas, destaca outros aspectos e espectros dos casos estudados. / This thesis is a study of Political Science, with a major effort to establish dialogues with other subjects as Geography, Economy, and Marketing, with regard to electoral studies. Assuming that different political actors have different electoral regions, we hypothesized that there is a correlation between geographicity and electoral results. The term \"geographicity\" here do not refers only to what is the object of Geography, or the specific activity of the geographer, but it is the spatial differentiation considering the relationship established between man and his territory (geographical space delimited by power relations). The title of the study, \"Elections and Territories\", already shows its transdisciplinary approach integrated through the union of two distinct objects of study, which are considered by many subjects. Observed these links between Political Science and such subjects concerning politics, we develop a deeper study of the relationship between elections and territories, considering a variety of approaches and tools of these subjects, which, although ruled by political theories, highlight other aspects of the cases studied.

Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de examinar o comportamento do estado brasileiro diante das manifestações de insatisfação do Paraguai com o Tratado de Itaipu que reivindicou renegociações sobre o uso da água e a distribuição da geração elétrica. Elas resultaram em revisões de partes do Tratado ao longo da década de 2000. O subsistema platino está dividido em dois tempos, o primeiro de ocupação da fronteira, no período da construção da usina em que a ordem regional rivalizava com a Argentina, e o segundo a partir da década de 2000, quando se consolida uma nova ordem regional voltada à integração. A Itaipu Binacional usa as águas transfronteiriças da bacia onde os dois Estados fazem fronteira e sua existência depende do alinhamento de interesses entre os Estados ribeirinhos no projeto binacional. Isto demonstrou a superação da função de separação política, no entanto tornou mais evidente as desigualdades entre as Partes. As assimetrias no uso das águas transfronteiriças revelam relações de poder entre os Estados ribeirinhos e sugere a existência de agente hidro-hegemônico. No diálogo entre Geografia Política, Geopolítica e Relações Internacionais, defende-se a ideia de que o uso compartilhado da água transfronteiriça impõe uma realidade de interdependente que adapta o comportamento dos Estados, a distribuição de poder e as suas fontes, mas, mesmo assim, mantém a racionalidade estratégica autointeressada. Para viabilizar a investigação foram analisados documentos elaborados pelo Itamaraty e pela Itaipu Binacional, além de fontes secundárias. / This dissertation aims to examine the behavior of the Brazilian state in face of the manifestations of dissatisfaction of Paraguay with the Treaty of Itaipu that demanded renegotiations on the use of water and the distribution of electricity generation. They resulted in revisions of parts of the Treaty throughout the 2000s. The Platinum subsystem is divided into two periods, the first to occupy the frontier, during the construction of the plant in which the regional order rivaled Argentina, and the second from the 2000s, when a new regional order for integration was consolidated. Itaipu Binacional uses the transboundary waters of the basin where the two States border and their existence depends on the alignment of interests among the riparian states in the binational project. This has demonstrated the overcoming of the political separation function, but has made more evident the inequalities between the Parties. Asymmetries in the use of transboundary waters reveal power relations among riparian states and suggests the existence of a hydrohegemonic agent. In the dialogue between Political Geography, Geopolitics and International Relations, the idea is defended that the shared use of transboundary water imposes an interdependent reality that adapts the behavior of States, the distribution of power and its sources, maintains the self-interested strategic rationality. In order to facilitate the investigation, documents prepared by Itamaraty and Itaipu Binacional were analyzed, as well as secondary sources.