Este trabalho pretende analisar os escritos políticos de José de Alencar (1829-1877), tomando a sua obra política e literária como conjunto que integra uma mesma estrutura de intencionalidades. A proposta metodológica, procurando identificar as condições da produção intelectual do Brasil oitocentista, permite captar as conexões entre política e literatura, como índices do projeto político mais abrangente do escritor. Nesse sentido, a análise se concentra em três temas: uma teoria da representação política, uma teoria da escravidão moderna e uma teoria da representação literária. Verifica-se a tensão entre princípios hierárquicos e concepções liberais na construção desse projeto, e a partir dessa tensão, identificada em seus escritos sobre o sistema representativo, pretende-se uma interpretação do conjunto de sua obra, que é confrontada com as análises existentes na literatura recente sobre o tema. A partir da consistência interna do discurso de José de Alencar, efeito de uma argumentação lógica e racional, bem como de uma desenvolvida consciência crítica, é possível verificar as etapas da construção de seu projeto político, preocupado com a passagem da Nação à modernidade e com as fontes de legitimação do poder político. Na hierarquia interna da Nação como horizonte normativo se inscreve um projeto de modernidade que é capaz de lançar luz sobre o sistema político e intelectual do Brasil, nessa etapa de sua formação. / This work intends to analyze the political writings of José de Alencar (1829-1877), considering his political and literary works as a set within the same structure of intentions. This methodological approach, concerned with the features of the intellectual system in nineteenth-century Brazil, renders it possible to grasp the connections between politics and literature as signs of the author\'s broader polítical project. The research focuses on three main subjects: a theory of political representation, a theory of modern slavery and a theory of literary representation. José de Alencar\'s writings on the representative system reveal a tension between hierachical principles and liberal concepts, that allows an intepretation of his work to be contrasted with the ones put forward in the most recent literature on the subject-matter. Given the internal consistency of the author\'s arguments, due to his logical and rational approach as well as his highly developed critical awareness, it is possible to identify the theoretical steps he takes towards his political project - a project mainly concerned with the Nation\'s launching into modernity and the sources of political legitimacy. Within the Nation\'s political hierachy as a normative horizon we can reconstruct a project of modernity which sheds light onto the formation both of the Brazilian intellectual background and its political system.

Esta dissertação busca exercitar o estudo da Política para além do processo, visto que este não a esgota, sendo apenas parte de sua complexidade. Elege o Estado no Brasil como objeto, assumindo que Estado indica uma realidade social total e que governo indica uma realidade política parcial. Pretende, então, apreender o conceito predominante de Estado que opera no pensamento político brasileiro. Isto, porque entende-se que as estruturas de poder irradiadas pela ideologia silenciada nas instituições contribuíram, e assim continuam, para a manutenção do estado de coisas ao forjar o majoritarismo centrista mesmo em meio à pluralidade constituinte do Brasil. A partir da reflexão desenvolvida defende que a alteração do sistema real de governo deve retornar à pauta científica e à agenda política, envolvendo também a reflexão sobre a normatividade que informa as relações desenvolvidas no Estado. Recebendo a carga histórica de um Estado-em-rede, observa-se que houve centralização das relações em torno de valores e comando, criando uma dinâmica societária autoritária de verticalização do poder, dispensando a horizontalização das relações sociais. Em contraposição a determinadas críticas sobre as Interpretações do Brasil, esta dissertação entende que o verdadeiro passo progressivo no que diz respeito à observação político-analítica do caso brasileiro envolve anular o ideal da força, tornando-a contingente e não conceitualmente constitutiva do Estado; com isso, o funcionamento dos mecanismos cede centralidade à questão da legitimidade da ordem social. Como pano de fundo, a ideia de que, devido ao momento contemporâneo, se faz necessário ressignificar a Política em linguagem, ética, valores, ritos. / This dissertation means to exercise the study of politics beyond the process, as it never ends, being a part of its complexity. It elects the State in Brazil as an object, assuming that it indicates a total social reality and that the government indicates a partial political reality. Therefore, it pretends to apprehend the dominant concept of State that operates in the Brazilian political thought. Therefore, its understood that the structures of power irradiated by the ideology that is silenced in the institutions contribute, and so continue, to the maintenance of the state of things when forging the majoritarian centrism, even when in a constituent plurality of Brazil. The developed reflection defends that the changing of the real system of government must return to the scientific base and political agenda, as well as a discussion about the normativity that informs the relations of the State. Receiving the historic load of a network-State, it is possible to observe that a centralization of the relations based on values and command has occurred, creating a top-down and authoritarian dynamic of social power, dismissing the horizontalization of social relations . In contrast to some critics about the Interpretations of Brazil this dissertation understands that the real progressive step regarding the political-analytical observation of the brazilian case involves annulling the ideal of force, becoming contingent and not conceptually constitutive of State, therefore the functioning mechanism gives centrality to the matter of legitimacy in the social order. As a background, the idea, due to the contemporary moment, that it becomes necessary to find a new meaning to Politics in language, ethics, values and rites.

Neste trabalho buscaremos dois objetivos. O primeiro será apresentar, de modo sistemático, os principais componentes do pensamento conservador do Império. Tomamos como referência três de seus principais expoentes: Bernardo Pereira de Vasconcelos, Paulino José Soares de Sousa, o Visconde do Uruguai e José Antônio Pimenta Bueno, o Marquês de São Vicente. A partir daí, buscaremos relacionar as proposições destes pensadores com o que acreditamos serem as suas principais influências, no caso, o pensamento político francês do período em que foram ativos. Usamos como autores centrais na discussão, Benjamin Constant, François Guizot e Alexis de Tocqueville. A partir destas duas discussões, nosso foco será então de explorar as relações entre estes autores, suas influências e a forma e conteúdo da apropriação dos modelos estrangeiros, no intuito de entender como procuraram soluções para os problemas políticos do Brasil da época. / This work has two central objectives. The first one will to present, in a systematic way, the main components of conservative thought in the Brazilian Empire. We use as a reference three of the central thinkers of the period: Bernardo Pereira de Vasconcelos, Paulino José Soares de Sousa, the Viscount of Uruguay, and José Antônio Pimenta Bueno, the Marquise of São Vicente. Then, we intend to compare the propositions of these thinkers with what we believe to be their main influences, the French political thought of the period. In this case, Benjamin Constant, François Guizot and Alexis de Tocqueville are central authors for the discussion. Having realized these analyses, our central objective will be to explore the relationship between the Brazilian authors and their supposed influences. We will search for the form and content of their use of foreign models, aiming to find solutions for the Brazilian political problems of the period.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / O presente estudo pretende observar as relações entre as imagens do homem existentes nas páginas da revista Cultura Política (1941-1945) e os projetos de educação que disputaram espaço no debate público a partir da década de 1930. O periódico, editado por Almir de Andrade no âmbito do Departamento de Imprensa e Propaganda, consistiu num dos mais importantes veículos oficiais de comunicação ao longo do Estado Novo. Ao pesquisar o conceito de homem em Cultura Política, fica evidente a exigência constante de um processo formador para este homem, ao final do qual um novo tipo humano emergirá. Este novo tipo humano é apresentado, então, como a base de uma nova sociedade e de um novo Estado. O protagonista destas reflexões na revista é o autor Paulo Augusto de Figueiredo, que tem seu pensamento e obra analisados em maior detalhe. O argumento central deste trabalho é que a imagem de homem construída por Figueiredo e outros articulistas do periódico, bem como os artigos educacionais publicados na revista, apontam para o favorecimento do projeto católico de educação para o país, apenas um dentre outros que disputavam hegemonia sobre o processo de formação dos homens no período / The present work aims to observe the existing relation between the concept of man in the pages of Political Culture (1941-1945) and the different educational projects that have fought for hegemony in public space during the 1930‟s. The review, edited by Almir de Andrade, was one of the most important intellectual instrument in the Estado Novo regime. When we look to the concept of man in Political Culture, the demand for formation process becomes evident. The request for a new man, compatible with the new society emerging is a common point in the texts analyzed. The main author in this effort is Paulo Augusto de Figueiredo, whose work is discussed in detail. Through the analysis of Figueiredo‟s writings, along with the educational articles published in Political Culture, we conclude that the periodical adopted a line of proximity with the catholic educational thought, only one among other available at the time..

State responsibility is central to modern politics and international relations. States are commonly blamed for wars, called on to apologize, punished with sanctions, admonished to keep their promises, bound by treaties, and held liable for debts and reparations. But why, and under which conditions, does it make sense to assign responsibilities to whole states rather than to individual leaders and officials? The purpose of this thesis is to resurrect and develop a forgotten understanding of state responsibility from the political thought of Thomas Hobbes. Chapters 1 and 2 examine the two dominant theories of state responsibility and propose a Hobbesian alternative. According to the agential theory, states can be held responsible because they are moral agents like human beings, with analogous capacities for deliberation and intentional action. According to the functional theory, states can be held responsible because they act vicariously through their organs, much as principals act vicariously through agents. What makes Hobbes unique is that he considers states to be 'persons'-entities to which actions, rights, and responsibilities can be attributed-even though they are neither agents nor principals. Hobbes' idea of state personality relies on the concepts of authorization and representation, not of agency and intentionality, nor of functions and organs. Chapters 3, 4, and 5 develop the Hobbesian theory of state responsibility and apply it to three sets of problems. Chapter 3 addresses problems of attribution, such as whether the actions of dictators count as acts of state and whether states can commit crimes. Chapter 4 addresses problems of identity, such as whether revolutions and annexations negate the state's identity and hence its responsibilities. Chapter 5 addresses problems of distribution, such as whether the subjects of the state ought to bear the costs of debts and reparations that their state incurred before they were born. I argue that the Hobbesian theory provides better answers to each set of problems than the agential and functional alternatives.

Bien qu’elle participe à une redéfinition de la pratique historiographique à l’Âge classique, l’œuvre historique de Voltaire a été peu étudiée. On s’est peu interrogé sur l’art de l’historien, et on a souvent résumé la conception de l’histoire et de la politique qui s’y exprime au rôle majeur joué par les « grands hommes ». Notre étude met à l’épreuve une telle conception et fait valoir la complexité de la lecture voltairienne de l’histoire, tant dans les ouvrages circonscrits à un règne que dans son histoire universelle, l’Essai sur les mœurs. Face aux apories des systèmes politiques élaborés par ses contemporains, et que Voltaire dénonce, l’écriture de l’histoire est le lieu privilégié où se déploie une conception réfléchie du pouvoir et des enjeux du politique. S’il est indéniable que Voltaire n’en propose pas de théorisation systématique, sa compréhension des ressorts du déroulement historique et l’interprétation qu’il en donne reposent sur un ensemble de principes relativement cohérents, tant du point de vue de l’appréciation des fondements du pouvoir – si importants au regard des enjeux de légitimation portés par l’écriture de l’histoire –, que de ses réalisations. L’œuvre historique ne s’intéresse ainsi pas seulement à l’action de quelques souverains ; elle prend aussi en compte l’action collective des peuples, et porte attention aux mutations des rapports de pouvoir qui infléchissent les politiques contemporaines. L’œuvre est alors en prise avec une actualité politique et polémique qui confère à l’écriture de l’histoire une tonalité spécifique, et qui conduit à s’interroger sur la délimitation même de ce qu’est le corpus voltairien des œuvres historiques. / Although the historical work of Voltaire takes part in a redefinition of Enlightenment historiography, the art of the historian or his conception of history have been little studied so far. His political view in his historical work has often been reduced to his praise of ‘great men’ and of their action in history. Our study puts this interpretation to the test and highlights the complexity of Voltaire’s reading of history, either in his works dealing with a single reign, or in his universal history, the Essay on the Manners. In order to face the shortcomings of the contemporary political systems, Voltaire uses history writing as a way to express considered conceptions of power and political issues. Voltaire does not expound a systematic theory of political facts; nonetheless, his understanding of historical progress relies on a coherent set of principles. Our study examines his appreciation of power and politics, of theirs foundations – where issues of legitimizing, so important in history writing, are at stake –, and of their achievements. The historical work does not exclusively focus on the action of a few monarchs; it takes also into account the collective action of peoples, and turns its attention to transformations which affect the balance of power and contemporary policies. Then, the work is in touch with current affairs and burning issues, which gives to history writing specific characteristics, and in particular a polemical tone. But it leads also to question the limits of his historical work as well as its definition.

This thesis seeks to investigate the relationship between the concepts of the State and Governance in political and international relations theory with the hope of recovering a place for agency. Following from the work of Michel Foucault, and drawing on the historical methodology of Quentin Skinner, I locate in the 16th century a „crossroads‟ in the development of the State and Governance, particularly in the work of the Henrician humanists – political writers of the Early Tudor period (1513-1533). I argue that their articulation of a politicized conception of Governance held a central place for the human agent living the vita activa as an ambassador between the rationality of the divine sphere and that of the terrestrial. Reading these findings through the later work of Foucault, I locate in this dynamic a central role for agency as tied to these theories of Governance that have become veiled by the State. Finally, I make two suggestions in regards to the application of these findings. First, that political/international relations theory take seriously the role of the diplomat as agent, and second, that the disciplinary intersection between history and politics be further emphasized and explored.

In this thesis,it has been aimed to evaluate the claims of which argue that the human rights thought has been firstly formulated by Francisco de Vitoria and Bartolome de Las Casas in the early sixteenth century Spain.

This thesis examines the role of democracy in British, French and American visions of global order in the 1940s. It argues that 'democracy' in a global context did not reflect 'Wilsonian' or 'Cosmopolitan' dreams, nor did it refer to the questions of state representation and institutional accountability that dominate contemporary debates. Instead, it shows that building a 'democratic' global order in the 1940s meant, above all, an attempt to address the challenge of democratic modernity, summarised by Karl Polanyi in 1944 as the search for 'freedom in a complex society', in the new global environment of the mid-century. This challenge was composed of five core concerns, ranging from the protection of the individual from the modern state and the transformation of democratic participation, to the use of expert planning and modern technology to secure economic justice. Achieving a balance between these competing and at times contradictory imperatives was seen as the key to securing a new democratic order that could resist the temptations of nationalism and totalitarianism and secure peace. Crucially, it was only through the structures of a new global order that, internationalists argued, there could be any chance of success. The task was not an easy one, and the historical investigation shows how the choices and trade-offs internationalists made in relation to these imperatives entailed costs in terms of inclusivity, participation and even rights within visions of democratic global order. The thesis has both historical and conceptual goals. First, it recovers important ideas about global order that have been largely written out of the history of this period by taking the language of democracy in world order debates seriously and understanding these visions in context. Conceptually, its aim is to contest and transform how we think about global order and democracy in the history of international thought and in the present day. Instead of Cosmopolitan, Wilsonian, liberal or other normative blueprints for a democratic world order, the conclusion argues that we should, following the example of the 1940s, reconceptualise the relationship between global order and democracy today in relation to the persistent dilemmas of democratic modernity. In a global context, these continue to have interlocking domestic and international dimensions and, more importantly, continue to require choices that entail normatively contestable costs in the construction of a democratic global order. Only then, it argues, will it be possible to think about how these shortcomings can be mitigated and whether and what kind of democratic order we want to pursue at all.

Esta tese aborda o tema do impacto político e intelectual da Guerra do Vietnã nos Estados Unidos a partir da história da fundação e dos primeiros anos de existência do periódico Foreign Policy (1970-1977). A intervenção no Vietnã desencadeou uma intensa contestação na sociedade norte-americana em relação às doutrinas e práticas de Guerra Fria que, até então, eram amplamente aceitas. A crise foi tão profunda que as principais organizações de política externa, o sistema político, os consagrados membros do establishment e as bases ideacionais e intelectuais que sustentavam as práticas intervencionistas se tornaram todos alvos de profundos questionamentos e, muitas vezes, violentos ataques. A história da Foreign Policy reconstrói este processo a partir de um ponto de vista privilegiado, uma vez que foi esta crise que motivou a fundação de um novo periódico com a intenção de revisar a política externa norte-americana e reformular os paradigmas analíticos em relações internacionais. Além disso, diversos membros da Foreign Policy participaram de decisões da intervenção no Vietnã, quando ainda eram mais jovens, e assumiram ao longo da década de 1970 posição de destaque na elaboração de uma política externa menos intervencionista e militarista (o que desencadeia na participação deles no governo Carter) ou na constituição de novos paradigmas intelectuais em política internacional que transcendiam o tema da Guerra Fria, abordando a crescente interdependência e as novas questões sociais globais. Esta tese retoma desde a Guerra do Vietnã até as propostas de governo do presidente Carter e os novos paradigmas analíticos em relações internacionais a partir da trajetória de membros da Foreign Policy (Samuel Huntington, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Richard Holbrooke, James C. Thomson, Joseph Nye, entre outros). A história deste periódico ajuda a compreender melhor uma conjuntura política decisiva nos Estados Unidos em que foram concebidos os germes da polarização política, da crise do establishment e de uma preocupação política com as consequências domésticas de uma economia cada vez mais interdependente e globalizada. / This dissertation focuses on the political and intellectual impact of the Vietnam War in the United States, based on the founding and first years of the existence of Foreign Policy Magazine (1970-1977). Intervention in Vietnam set off an intense dispute in American society regarding the Cold War doctrines and practices, which had been widely accepted until then. The crisis was so deep that the major foreign policy organizations, the political system, respected members of the establishment, and the ideological and intellectual bases that had sustained the interventionist practices all became targets of profound questioning and, frequently violent attacks. The history of Foreign Policy reconstructs this process based on a privileged vantage point, since it was this crisis that motivated the rise of a new periodical with the intention of reviewing American foreign policy and reformulating the analytical paradigms regarding international relations. Moreover, various members of Foreign Policy had taken part in the decisions to intervene in Vietnam, when they were younger, and during the 1970s assumed a position of importance in developing a less interventionist and militaristic foreign policy (which led to their participation in the Carter government), or in the creation of new intellectual paradigms in international politics that transcend the theme of the Cold War, focusing on increasing interdependence and the new global social issues. This dissertation reexamines the period from the Vietnam War to the Carter president proposals and the new analytical paradigms with respect to international relations based on the trajectory of the Foreign Policy associates (Samuel Huntington, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Richard Holbrooke, James C. Thomson, Joseph Nye, and others). The history of this journal helps to better understand one decisive political juncture of the United States, wherein were conceived the seeds of political polarization, the crisis of the establishment, and of a political concern with the domestic consequences of an increasingly interdependent and globalized economy.