Esta dissertação busca exercitar o estudo da Política para além do processo, visto que este não a esgota, sendo apenas parte de sua complexidade. Elege o Estado no Brasil como objeto, assumindo que Estado indica uma realidade social total e que governo indica uma realidade política parcial. Pretende, então, apreender o conceito predominante de Estado que opera no pensamento político brasileiro. Isto, porque entende-se que as estruturas de poder irradiadas pela ideologia silenciada nas instituições contribuíram, e assim continuam, para a manutenção do estado de coisas ao forjar o majoritarismo centrista mesmo em meio à pluralidade constituinte do Brasil. A partir da reflexão desenvolvida defende que a alteração do sistema real de governo deve retornar à pauta científica e à agenda política, envolvendo também a reflexão sobre a normatividade que informa as relações desenvolvidas no Estado. Recebendo a carga histórica de um Estado-em-rede, observa-se que houve centralização das relações em torno de valores e comando, criando uma dinâmica societária autoritária de verticalização do poder, dispensando a horizontalização das relações sociais. Em contraposição a determinadas críticas sobre as Interpretações do Brasil, esta dissertação entende que o verdadeiro passo progressivo no que diz respeito à observação político-analítica do caso brasileiro envolve anular o ideal da força, tornando-a contingente e não conceitualmente constitutiva do Estado; com isso, o funcionamento dos mecanismos cede centralidade à questão da legitimidade da ordem social. Como pano de fundo, a ideia de que, devido ao momento contemporâneo, se faz necessário ressignificar a Política em linguagem, ética, valores, ritos. / This dissertation means to exercise the study of politics beyond the process, as it never ends, being a part of its complexity. It elects the State in Brazil as an object, assuming that it indicates a total social reality and that the government indicates a partial political reality. Therefore, it pretends to apprehend the dominant concept of State that operates in the Brazilian political thought. Therefore, its understood that the structures of power irradiated by the ideology that is silenced in the institutions contribute, and so continue, to the maintenance of the state of things when forging the majoritarian centrism, even when in a constituent plurality of Brazil. The developed reflection defends that the changing of the real system of government must return to the scientific base and political agenda, as well as a discussion about the normativity that informs the relations of the State. Receiving the historic load of a network-State, it is possible to observe that a centralization of the relations based on values and command has occurred, creating a top-down and authoritarian dynamic of social power, dismissing the horizontalization of social relations . In contrast to some critics about the Interpretations of Brazil this dissertation understands that the real progressive step regarding the political-analytical observation of the brazilian case involves annulling the ideal of force, becoming contingent and not conceptually constitutive of State, therefore the functioning mechanism gives centrality to the matter of legitimacy in the social order. As a background, the idea, due to the contemporary moment, that it becomes necessary to find a new meaning to Politics in language, ethics, values and rites.

Este trabalho é sobre idéia de governo no pensamento político do filósofo moral e do direito, radical político e teórico constitucional inglês Jeremy Bentham (1748- 1832). Após uma breve exposição dos principais temas e questões exploradas, bem como, dos respectivos momentos da sua vida intelectual, argumento a favor de que é possível extrair da crítica política e jurídica de Bentham a Blackstone alguns elementos da sua concepção de governo e visão sobre a política. Argumenta-se a favor de certa convergência entre as posições de Bacon e de Bentham com relação aos projetos de reforma penal, concepção de governo, métodos de investigação e ontologia da política. Também, é explorada a sugestão de que tal convergência pode ser explicada em virtude dos princípios filosóficos similares adotados por ambos. A principal conclusão é a de que a linha de interpretação discutida pode fornecer uma melhor compreensão sobre as conexões entre a variedade de assuntos explorados nos escritos jurídicos-políticos de Bentham. / This work is about the idea of the government in the political thought of the English utilitarian moral and legal philosopher, political radical and constitutional theorist Jeremy Bentham (1748-1832). After a brief exposition of the main themes and questions explored by him and the respective moments of his intellectual life, give evidence it is possible to extract from Bentham´s political and juridical criticism to the Blackstone some elements of his government conception and vision about politics. It is argued in favor of some convergence between Bacon´s and Bentham´s positions concerning legal reform projects, government conception, investigation methods, and political ontology; also, the suggestion that it can be explained by their similar philosophical principles is explored. The main conclusion is that the line of the interpretation discussed can provide a better understanding about the connections among the variety of the issues concerning the government theme explored in the Bentham´s juridical-political works.

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No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Fabrício Freitas Barbosa Rezende Melo - 2017.pdf: 2359637 bytes, checksum: b94f5b8e239d384e78cf961722f4883a (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-13 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The main purpose of this research is to analyze and to comprehend the meaning of the concept of national-developmentalism in the work and thought of Hélio Jaguaribe in the 1950 decade. More specifically, one intends to understand the notion of national-developmentalism as an ideology created in the book O Nacionalismo na Atualidade Brasileira published in 1958 by the Superior Institute of Brazilian Studies (ISEB in Portuguese). The ISEB, heir of the tradition of Brazilian Institute of Economics, Sociology and Politics (IBESP in Portuguese) and the Itatiaia Group, was created in 1955 and was part of the Brazilian public intellectuality in the 1950 decade. The organism, which reunited thinkers of diverse branches of the science, was created to think the Brazil and contribute to the State bureaucracy instituted since the first administration of Getúlio Vargas (1930-1945). The national-developmentalism of Hélio Jaguaribe comprehend the project of nationalist development which permeated the Latin-American public intellectuality. In order to analyze and comprehend the meaning of the national-developmentalist ideology of Hélio Jaguaribe in its work and thought, this research will use the theoretical-methodological reference of the linguistic contextualismo of Quentin Skinner. This methodology as a branch of the history of political thought intends to elucidate the meaning of a concept by the linguistic context of the work and thought of the studied author. Meaning, therefore, does not comprehend the terminology of the word or its conceptual definition and historiography, but also the author intention motivated by the linguistic contextualismo of the book. The linguistic context comprehend the analyses of the social-political, economical, cultural and intellectual context along with the intellectual and professional trajectory of the author, in order to establish the intention behind the concept and by that, the meaning of the concept, in this case, the meaning of national-developmentalism to Hélio Jaguaribe in its book of 1958. / O objetivo principal desta pesquisa é a análise e compreensão do significado do conceito de nacional-desenvolvimentismo na obra e pensamento de Hélio Jaguaribe na década de 1950. Em um sentido mais específico, busca-se entender a noção de nacional-desenvolvimentismo enquanto ideologia formulada na obra O Nacionalismo na Atualidade Brasileira de 1958, trabalho publicado pelo Instituto Superior de Estudos Brasileiros (ISEB). O ISEB, herdeiro da tradição do Instituto Brasileiro de Economia, Sociologia e Política (IBESP) e do Grupo de Itatiaia, foi criado em 1955 e fazia parte da intelectualidade pública brasileira da década de 1950. O órgão, que reunia pensadores de diversos ramos do saber, foi criado com o intuito de pensar o Brasil e contribuir para a burocracia estatal instituída desde o primeiro governo de Getúlio Vargas (1930-1945). O nacional-desenvolvimentismo de Hélio Jaguaribe compreende um projeto de desenvolvimento nacionalista dentre as inúmeras elaborações do ISEB, inserido em um debate desenvolvimentista que permeava toda a intelectualidade pública latino-americana. Para se analisar e compreender o significado da ideologia nacional-desenvolvimentista de Hélio Jaguaribe em sua obra e pensamento, este trabalho se utilizará do referencial teórico-metodológico do contextualismo linguístico de Quentin Skinner. Tal metodologia enquanto vertente da história do pensamento político busca elucidar o significado de um conceito a partir do contexto linguístico da obra e do pensamento dos autores estudos. Significado, portanto, não compreende somente a terminologia da palavra ou sua definição conceitual e historiográfica, mas também a intenção autoral motivada pelo contexto linguístico da confecção de sua obra. O contexto linguístico compreende a análise do contexto sócio-político, econômico, cultural e intelectual aliados à trajetória intelectual e profissional do autor, buscando estabelecer-se a intenção por trás do conceito e por meio disto, o significado de um conceito, neste caso, o significado de nacional-desenvolvimentismo para Hélio Jaguaribe em sua obra de 1958.

Ce travail visera à analyser la pensée politique du théologien et politologue américain Reinhold Niebuhr (1892-1971), et plus particulièrement la façon dont le Pragmatisme a pu influencer son oeuvre. Critique à l’égard de l’idéalisme libéral de John Dewey (1859-1952), et plus spécifiquement à l’encontre de l’optimisme dont faisait preuve le pragmatisme politique vis-à-vis de la nature de l’homme, Niebuhr n’arriva pourtant pas à échapper à l’influence du pragmatisme, d’où le sujet de ce travail de recherche : les influences du Pragmatisme politique, celui de John Dewey plus particulièrement, sur l’oeuvre de Reinhold Niebuhr et sur son réalisme chrétien. Cette thèse rassemblera les grandes oeuvres des deux penseurs pour comparer la pensée politique de chacun. Selon Niebuhr, la pensée de Dewey n’était qu’une continuation de l’idéalisme des Lumières ; Dewey restait figé dans un optimisme injustifié à propos de la vision globalement bonne de la nature humaine. Néanmoins, malgré cette critique, Niebuhr fut influencé par ce dernier. L’objectif de cette thèse est de souligner ces influences sur le travail de Niebuhr afin de montrer que la pensée niebuhrienne est un prolongement de la pensée pragmatiste de Dewey, démontré par le Pragmatisme chrétien, et que Niebuhr fait partie du courant de pensée libérale malgré lui. Au mépris des différences fondamentales entre les deux hommes, nous allons donc tenter de démontrer que Niebuhr s’inscrit dans une tradition intellectuelle typiquement américaine, le Pragmatisme étant considéré comme le seul mouvement philosophique authentiquement américain, afin de parvenir à une plus grande connaissance de ces deux penseurs majeurs, mais, aussi, du paysage politique américain. / This work aims to analyze the political thought of the American theologian and political scientist Reinhold Niebuhr (1892-1971). More specifically, it will analyze the way in which Pragmatism was able to influence Niebuhr’s writings. Critical towards the liberal idealism of John Dewey (1859-1952), Niebuhr’s Christian realism was a counter against the optimism that political Pragmatism demonstrated in regards to the nature of man. Despite these criticisms, Niebuhr was unable to escape Pragmatism’s influence. This influence is the reason for this research: how political Pragmatism, specifically that of John Dewey was able to have an impact on Reinhold Niebuhr’s works and his Christian realism. This thesis will study the major works of these two thinkers in order to compare the political thought of each thinker. Younger than Dewey, Niebuhr had for a long time considered Dewey’s thought as nothing more than an idealized and outdated continuation of Enlightenment optimism which was incapable of accurately analyzing the contemporary world. Nevertheless, Niebuhr was influenced by Dewey. This thesis’s goal is to highlight the influences of Pragmatism in Niebuhr’s works in order to show that Niebuhrian thought is a continuation of Dewey’s pragmatic thought, specifically through the notions of Christian Pragmatism and therefore, fits within an overall framework of American Liberalism. In spite of the fundamental differences in thought, we are going to attempt to show that Niebuhr was a part of the typically American intellectual tradition, that is to say, Pragmatism; considered to be a uniquely American philosophical movement. It will be analyzed in order to achieve a greater understanding of these important thinkers, but also, of America’s political landscape.

[pt] Esta tese apresenta uma história do conceito balance of power. Com base na abordagem Begriffsgeschichte, busca-se compreender como um dado espaço de experiência e um dado horizonte de expectativas foram constituídos através desse conceito. O argumento está organizado em duas partes. Na primeira o objetivo é compreender a emergência desse conceito em meio à crise que se seguiu à desagregação da ordem medieval. É possível identificar neste período aquilo que pode ser chamado de corolário anti-imperial. Essa dimensão axiológica precisa ser considerada nessa história como referência para o surgimento desse conceito no vocabulário político. Na segunda parte será examinada a fixação desse termo na linguagem internacional corrente. Um elemento que contribuiu para isso e que será examinado foi a existência de uma sociabilidade comercial como parte do mundo político. Além disso, essa fixação traz consigo um corolário conservador que se relaciona a uma concepção específica de funcionamento da política internacional. Por fim, os capítulos dessa parte apresentarão uma discussão sobre o componente temporal de balance of power com especial destaque para a afirmação de que esse conceito funciona como um regulador ontológico da história. Do ponto de vista temporal, o argumento desta tese lida com um período que vai, basicamente, dos séculos XIII ao século XIX. / [en] This dissertation aims at offering a history of the concept balance of power. Drawing on the Begriffsgeschichte, I will try to understand how a given space of experience and a given horizon of expectations have been constituted through this concept. The argument is divided into two parts. In the first part the aim is to understand how the concept emerged out of the collapse of the Medieval order. It is possible to identify in this period what will be called an anti-imperial corollary. This very axiological dimension needs to be contemplated as a reference to the appearance of this term in the political lexicon. In the second part the fixation of the concept in the current international language will be examined. An element that brought about this process and that will be analysed was the presence of a commercial sociability as part of the political realm. Furthermore, the fixation is related to a conservative corollary which elicits a specific conception of the functioning of international politics. Last but not least, the chapters in this part will present a discussion of the temporal dimension of balance of power with special attention to the claim that this concept works as an ontological regulator of history. From the temporal point of view, the argument of this dissertation deals with a period that goes from the 13th to the 19th century.

Over the course of four sections this PhD examines the ways in which the Aristotelian, Stoic and Epicurean philosophers portray bodily activity. In particular, it argues that their claims regarding bodies' natural tendency to preserve themselves, and seek out the goods capable of promoting their well-being, came to influence Hobbes's and Spinoza's later accounts of natural, animal and social behaviour. The first section presents the ancient accounts of natural and animal bodily tendencies and explores the specific ways in which the Aristotelian, Stoic and Epicurean views on animal desires came to complement and diverge from each other. After investigating the perceived links between natural philosophy, psychology and ethics, the section proceeds to consider how the ancients used this 'unified' view of nature to guide their accounts of the soul's primary appetites and desires. Also examined is the extent to which civil society is portrayed as a means of securing the individual against others, and how Aristotelian philia, Theophrastian oikeiotês and Stoic oikeiōsis came to stand in opposition to the fear-driven and compact-based accounts of social formation favoured by the Epicureans. The second section considers how the ancient accounts of impulsive behaviour and social formation were received and diffused via new editions of ancient texts, eclectic readings of Aristotle, and the attempts of Neostoic and Neoepicurean authors to update and systematise those philosophies from the late sixteenth century onwards. The particular treatments of Hellenistic thought by authors such as Justus Lipsius, Hugo Grotius and Pierre Gassendi are considered in detail and are placed within the context of the growing trend to use Stoic and Epicurean thought to replace the authority of Aristotle in the areas of science, psychology, and politics. The final two sections are devoted respectively to considering the ways in which Hobbes and Spinoza encountered the Hellenistic accounts of bodies and demonstrating how these earlier accounts came to feature in each of their own discussions of bodily tendencies. Engaging with a wide range of their texts, each section develops the many nuances and contours that emerged as both writers developed and fine-tuned their accounts of bodily actions. This reveals the many ways in which the ancient accounts of self-preservation helped to unify large aspects of Hobbes's and Spinoza's own philosophical corpus, while equally showing how a well-developed account of bodily tendencies might challenge the scholastic worldview and expand further the boundaries of the so-called 'New Science'.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-01-29T13:28:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 brunomacielpereira.pdf: 1099223 bytes, checksum: 81c47fec5c813bf6ee155d004094c1b6 (MD5) / Rejected by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br), reason: Adicionar instituição on 2016-02-01T15:45:51Z (GMT) / Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-02-01T16:13:53Z No. of bitstreams: 1 brunomacielpereira.pdf: 1099223 bytes, checksum: 81c47fec5c813bf6ee155d004094c1b6 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-02-01T20:11:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 brunomacielpereira.pdf: 1099223 bytes, checksum: 81c47fec5c813bf6ee155d004094c1b6 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-01T20:11:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 brunomacielpereira.pdf: 1099223 bytes, checksum: 81c47fec5c813bf6ee155d004094c1b6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-11-11 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O objetivo deste estudo é compreender o conceito de Razão de Estado de Fernando Alvía de Castro (1572-1642?) a partir da análise de sua obra: Verdadera Razon de Estado (1616). Enfatiza o modo como o tratadista logroñes orienta a conduta dos governantes, realçando as permissividades e interdições de sua Teoria da Razão de Estado. Ancorado no método de Quentin Skinner– conforme o historiador inglês o apresenta em Fundações do Fundamento Político Moderno –, busca remontar as origens do conceito Razão de Estado, bem como compreender as relações da obra de Alvía de Castro com a intelectualidade de seu tempo. Complementarmente analisa o modo em que Alvía de Castro interpreta as obras de Aristóteles, Cícero, Sêneca e Tácito e a importância desses autores para formulação de sua Teoria da Razão de Estado. / The objective of this study is to understand Fernando de Castro's (1572-1642?) concept of Reason of State, from the analysis of his work: Verdadera Razon de Estado (1616). The study emphasizes how the Logroñes treatisewriter guides the conduct of rulers, highlighting the permissiveness and restrictions of his Theory of the Reason of State. Anchored in the method of Quentin Skinner – as the English historian presents in the Foundations of Modern Political Thought – this is an attemptto trace the origins of the Reason of State concept, as well as to understand the relationship of the work of Alvía de Castro with the intellectuals of his time. In a complementary manner, the study analyzes the way in which Alvía de Castro interprets the works of Aristotle, Cicero, Seneca, and Tacitus, and the importance of these authors in formulating his Theory of the Reason of State.

Sob a análise de uma obra escrita em 1572, o De Regis Institutione et Disciplina, e de um contexto histórico-politico crucial para a Dinastia de Avis, nos referimos aqui ao segundo quartel do século XVI, este trabalho tem como propósito esboçar o pensamento político humanista de Jerónimo Osório. Partindo do pressuposto que os fatos históricos, não são meramente ilustrativos, mas se entrecruzam com as idéias políticas, primeiramente enfocaremos como Osório pensava algumas questões que marcaram o reinado de D. Sebastião, como por exemplo: a Batalha em Alcácer Quibir, a necessidade do casamento do Rei e a sua educação ministrada pelo Padre Gonçalves da Câmara. Em segundo lugar, esboçaremos o seu pensamento político abordando temas como: o ofício do Rei, a melhor forma de governo e a ação dos aduladores. Na relação entre pedagogia e política, esboçaremos o seu modelo de príncipe cristão, pertencente ao gênero dos espelhos de príncipes, através das disciplinas necessárias para a educação do Rei. / Based in a work written in 1572, the De Regis Institutione et Disciplina, and in a historic and politic context that is decisive to the Avis Dynasty, we refer here to the second period of the 16th century. This works objective is to plan the humanist political thought of Jeronimo Osório. By the purpose that the historic facts will not be just an illustration, but a meeting with political ideas, first of all we will discuss about how Osório thought about some point that determined the reign of Dom Sebastião, as for example, the battle in Alcácer Quibir, the need of the kings marriage and his education, which the priest Gonçalvez da Câmara was responsible. Secondly, we will plan his political though, talking about themes like the kings function and the best governing form and the actions of the kings adulators. In the pedagogy and political relation, we will plan the Christian princes model, concerning the princes mirror, by subjects which were necessary to the kings education.

Cette recherche vise à tracer une généalogie des rationalités de gouvernement et d’identification de la mobilité du travail dans la France métropolitaine et coloniale du XIXème siècle. Gouverner la mobilité ne comporte pas un pouvoir simplement coercitif, mais plutôt un certain degré de liberté nécessaire à canaliser et orienter la circulation des individus. Plus précisément, la thèse analyse l’histoire du livret ouvrier en tant que révélateur administratif des tensions qui accompagnent la configuration, la crise et la reformulation du contrat civil classique en France. Par cette technologie d’identification on retrace aussi la genèse globale des notions historiques de travail libre, esclavage et domesticité, dont on suit les métamorphoses à la lumière des politiques de la mobilité après l’abolition de l’esclavage. Les derniers chapitres considèrent la naissance de l’État Providence et des nouvelles pratiques d’identification, telles que l’anthropométrie et les empreintes digitales, en tant que reformulations historiques du problème à la base de notre recherche : comment contrôler la force de travail sans insérer une coercition illégitime sur les corps qui en sont les porteurs? La généalogie du régime de mobilité montre la nécessité paradoxale du libéralisme de cycliquement relancer un projet universel (la généralisation de la personne juridique) afin de pouvoir définir des hiérarchies en son sein (multipliant les statuts par lesquelles l’accès à l’usage de la liberté est filtré). À partir de cette complication on peut repenser le rapport entre souveraineté, État et marché mondial. / In this research, we genealogically trace the emergence of modern rationality in the government of the mobility of labor in France and its colonies in the XIX century. Governing mobility does not imply a purely coercive power, but rather a certain degree of freedom, necessary to channel and orient the circulation of individuals. More precisely, this PhD thesis analyses the history of the livret ouvrier as administrative markers of the tensions characterizing the configuration, the crisis, and the reformulation of classic civil contract in France. This technology of identification also allows us to trace the global genesis of the historical notions of free labor, slavery, and domesticity, following their evolution through the politics of mobility after the abolition of slavery. The last chapters survey the birth of the welfare state and of new forms of identification, such as anthropometry and fingerprinting, as historical reconfigurations of the underlying question of our investigation: how to control labor power without introducing an illegitimate coercion on the bodies carrying it? The genealogy of mobility regime shows the paradoxical necessity of liberalism to periodically reformulate a universal project (the generalization of the juridical person) in order to organize internal hierarchies (by multiplying the statutes through which the effective access to freedom is filtered). Through the lens of this co-implication we can rethink the relationship between sovereignty, State and world market.

The thesis deals with the life and work of the most significant political thinker of the 20th century Hannah Arendt. This work seeks to provide an overall view of her work and lays out the most important aspects of her work in the field of political thought. The thesis focuses on human condition, symptoms of crisis related to the loss of tradition of political thought, as well as the question of evil associated with the emergence of mass society and totalitarian regimes. An integral part of this thesis is the presentation of political concepts which repeatedly occur in Hannah Arendt's oeuvre, and which are undoubtedly essential for human political life. key words: human condition - authority - freedom - crisis - totalitarism - evil - plurality - responsibility - tradition of political thought