Cette thèse considère l'importance de la mémoire et de l'autofiction dans l'œuvre littéraire et cinématographique des enfants de militants politiques en Argentine pendant les années soixante-dix. L'analyse se concentre sur le documentaire Los rubios (2003) d'Albertina Carri, et sur les romans Los topos (2014) de Féliz Bruzzone et La casa de los conejos (2008) de Laura Alcoba. Ces auteurs, mais aussi d’autres auteurs de la même génération et des enfants de militants, abordent le passé de la dernière dictature (1976-1983) en se concentrant sur le personnage du « disparu ». En même temps, ils deviennent protagonistes de leurs propres histoires. La mémoire de membres de leurs familles et de survivants est nécessaire pour que les auteurs de ces œuvres sachent ce qui est arrivé à leurs parents disparus. L'autofiction devient une nécessité pour pouvoir élaborer leurs narrations, dans lesquelles se confondent la fiction, les faits réels et les données biographiques. L'autofiction des auteurs étudiés ici se distingue de l'autofiction canonique par un pacte de lecture différent. L'analyse tourne autour des concepts de mémoire et d'histoire, ce qui permet de voir la spécificité et la singularité avec laquelle les auteurs abordent le passé. L'œuvre culturelle, littéraire ou cinématographique, se constitue dans ces travaux comme un espace dans lequel le trauma est réélaboré. La remise en question de la mémoire du militantisme, les décisions des parents, la recherche de la propre identité, l'apparition de voix antérieurement ignorées ou peu écoutées sont des aspects qui apparaissent dans ces narrations. À travers leurs œuvres, les enfants de militants et/ou de disparus ont ouvert d'autres voies d'interprétation de la période la plus tragique de l'histoire argentine, en représentant d'autres mémoires et en évoquant un passé sur lequel tout n’a pas encore été dit. / This thesis considers the importance of memory and autofiction in the literary and audiovisual work produced by the children of the 1970´s Argentinian political activists. Our analysis comprises the documentary Los rubios (2003) by Albertina Carri, the novels Los topos (2014) by Félix Bruzzone, and La casa de los conejos (2008) by Laura Alcoba. These authors, along with others from their generation who also had activist parents, reflect on the events that took place during the last Argentinian dictatorship (1976-1983) by focusing on the figure of the desaparecido (the missing person). At the same time, these authors present themselves as the protagonists of their own stories. The memories of family members and of political survivors become an instrumental tool for the authors to understand the fate of their missing parents. For these authors, autofiction becomes necessary if they are to elaborate their narratives, which merge fiction, biographical experiences and historical events. The autofictional work of the authors we study here proposes a different reading contract from the one usually established by canonical autofiction. Our analysis delves into issues related to memory and history, which reveal the specific and original way in which these works consider the past. Cultural, literary or audiovisual works become a space for the working through of historical trauma. These narratives problematize the past, questioning the memory of 1970s political activism, doubting their parents´ decisions, searching for their own identities, and include voices that had been previously ignored. Through their work, the children of political activists and/or missing persons have opened new ways of considering one of the most tragic periods of Argentinian history, representing other memories and recalling a past about which not all has been told. / Esta tesis considera la importancia de la memoria y de la autoficción en la obra literaria y cinematográfica de hijos de militantes políticos de la Argentina de los años setenta. El análisis se centra en el documental Los rubios (2003) de Albertina Carri, y en las novelas Los topos (2014) y La casa de los conejos (2008) de Féliz Bruzzone y Laura Alcoba, respectivamente. Estos autores, junto a otros de la misma generación y también hijos de militantes, abordan el pasado de la última dictadura (1976-1983) centrándose en la figura del desaparecido. Lo hacen, además, como protagonistas de sus propias historias. La memoria de familiares y sobrevivientes resulta necesaria para que los autores de las obras sepan qué ocurrió con sus padres desaparecidos. La autoficción se torna una necesidad para poder elaborar sus narraciones, en las que convergen ficción, hechos reales y datos biográficos. Las autoficciones de los autores estudiados aquí se distinguen de las autoficciones canónicas por el diferente pacto de lectura que en ellas subyace. El análisis gira en torno a los conceptos de memoria e historia, lo cual permite ver la especifidad y singularidad con la que abordan el pasado. La obra cultural, literaria o cinematográfica, se constituye en estos trabajos como un espacio en que se reelabora el trauma. El cuestionamiento a la memoria de la militancia, a las decisiones de los padres, la búsqueda de la propia identidad, la aparición de voces antes ignoradas o poco escuchadas son aspectos que, en mayor o menos medida, son evidentes en estas narraciones. A través de sus obras, los hijos de militantes y/o desaparecidos han abierto otras vías de interpretación del periodo más trágico de la historia argentina, representando otras memorias y evocando un pasado sobre el que todavía no está todo dicho.

This thesis explores the role of rap music as a platform for articulating anti-government discourse in Turkey between 2014 and 2019. Employing Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Multimodal Critical Discourse Analysis (MCDA) to examine two specific rap songs from the period – Rant Hilafeti (The Caliphate of Profit) by Ozbi and #SUSAMAM (#ICANNOTBESILENT) by Şanışer and eighteen other artists –, the study delves into how the various commodities forming rap music – lyrics, visuals, and musical sounds – collaborate to construct and convey this counter-hegemonic narrative. The thesis posits that rap music gained prominence during this period as a powerful tool for dissent, owing to its ability to resonate with marginalised groups and challenge the dominant narratives propagated by the government. Leveraging CDA and MCDA methodologies, the analysis exposes how the songs utilise linguistic, musical, and visual strategies to critique government policies, challenge authority figures, and galvanise resistance among listeners. The findings underscore the significance of rap music as a form of political expression and its influence on public discourse. The analysis highlights rap's capacity to bridge individual experiences with broader societal issues, fostering a sense of collective identity and resistance among marginalised communities. By examining the specific case of rap music, the thesis contributes to a broader understanding of the nexus between music and social movements in the Turkish contemporary political landscapes.

Digital rights activism constitutes an exemplary case of how internet affordances can be mobilised to engender political change. The values and principles stemming from the hacker imaginaire, and free and open source software practices, underpin digital rights activism, which uses the internet as a tool, object and platform for the protection of rights in the digital realm. The analysis focuses on how digital rights activists use and adapt the political affordances of the internet to intervene in European Union policy-making. Two original case studies of internet-based campaigning at the European level (the “No Software Patents” and the “Telecoms package” campaigns) provide in-depth insight into the campaigning processes and their impact upon parliamentary politics. The cases highlight the complementarity of online and offline collective action, by examining processes of open collaboration, information disclosure and internet-assisted lobbying. The success of the “Telecoms package” campaign is then assessed, along with the perspective of the targets: members and staff of the European Parliament.<p><p>The belief in values of freedom, decentralisation, openness, creativity and progress inspires a particular type of activism, which promotes autonomy, participation and efficiency. The empirical evidence suggests that this set of principles can, at times, conflict with practices observed in the field. This has to do with the particular opportunity structure of the European Union and the characteristics of the movement. The EU favours functional integration of civil society actors who are expected to contribute technical and/or legal expertise. This configuration challenges internet-based protest networks that rely on highly independent and fluctuating engagement, and suffer from a lack of diversity and cohesion. The internet does not solve all obstacles to collective action. It provides, however, a networked infrastructure and tools for organising, coordinating and campaigning. Online and offline actions are not only supportive of each other. Internet-based campaigning can be successful once it reaches out beyond the internet, and penetrates the corridors of political institutions.<p> / Doctorat en Information et communication / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished