This thesis examines the extent to which institutional transparency is counterproductive and potentially politicizing within the U.S. Federal Reserve system. It exemplifies a Venn diagram intersection of political and economic theory – and given the meaningful change in behavior at the Fed – to some extent organizational theory as well. This political economy orientation may be illustrated by providing a historical context – and then addressing the relevant catalysts for change: legislative action, financial crises, and the increase in social media technology. In terms of a “broader view,” these changes have occurred against a backdrop of significant changes in the application of Keynesian theories. As a result, this thesis defines modern transparency at the Federal Reserve, including its benefits and potential drawbacks, by connecting the changes in policies and procedures over the last quarter century - and by showing the impact of the evolution of modern New Keynesian interventionist programs within this new environment. The conclusions shown the New Keynesian coincidental contributions to modern interventionalist policies. But the benefits that come from improved transparency have opened the door to unintended consequences – and the main takeaway is the potential for political bias among bankers and the time inconsistencies that come from short-term modifications to otherwise long-term problems. The “secrets of the temple” are no longer secrets…but Greider would agree that the concentration of power and political influence remains the same. / M.A. / This thesis explores to what extent is increased transparency counterproductive and potentially politicizing within the U.S. Federal Reserve system. The Fed is primarily responsible for maintaining price stability, facilitating full employment, and maintaining the health of the banking system, placing it both directly and indirectly at the center of power and influence within American politics. FOMC decisions directly affect American citizens. For instance, their interest rate policies influence the cost of a mortgage, a car loan, a student loan, or possibly the value of 401k accounts – and in the 21st century, the average American is more tied to “credit” than ever before. This analysis will consider how this initiative developed, its original intent, its evolution, and why it may result in significant unintended political consequences. The conclusions illustrated that there are benefits that come from improved transparency. However, improved transparency may have opened the door to unintended consequences.

In 2010 the Texas Education Agency adopted newly rewritten curriculum standards for the state's social studies courses K-12. The period leading up to the adoption of the standards proved contentious as the new standards moved out of the writing committees and into the public realm. The issues brought forth from initial readings of the standards appeared in the national spotlight as educators and the general public from around the country voiced their concerns. Many concerns centered on the belief that the Texas State Board of Education had rewritten the standards to reflect a more politically conservative world view along with an emphasis on traditional Judeo-Christian beliefs. Members of the state board argued that the previous standards reflected a politically liberal world view and that the board needed to bring balance to the standards. Because of national criticism changes were made but on a limited scale. The purpose of this study was to assess if the rewritten standards demonstrated a politically conservative preference as well as an emphasis on Judeo-Christian beliefs. During the analysis I included information regarding a preference for capitalism, a focus on Texas and U.S. history while minimizing world history and a focus on memorization rather than critical thinking. The analysis revealed that the rewritten standards demonstrate a politically conservative leaning while promoting traditional Judeo-Christian beliefs. Analysis and research further revealed that the standards promote capitalism while limiting the study of other economic systems in the world. In regards to the preference for Texas and U.S. history versus world history my analysis confirmed a limited presence of world history; however, research also revealed that this issue is not limited to the state of Texas, but a number of other states in the U.S. Finally, my analysis demonstrated that many of the standards' objectives begin with verbs found on verb lists from Bloom's Taxonomy. By using Bloom's Taxonomy I learned that a majority of objectives throughout the K-12 standards operate in the lower half of the Taxonomy rather than the upper half meaning that there is an emphasis on lower order thinking skills rather than higher order thinking skills.

Previous studies have shown that characteristics like gender and ethnicity can affect the possibility to be hired. Decisions in hiring may also be justified by weighting the importance of hiring criteria and can thus seem unbiased. In other areas, bias due to political affiliation have been noted to be even more pronounced than bias due to ethnicity. However, effects of candidates’ political affiliation in hiring are not equally researched. This study aimed to fill this blank. Participants (N= 283) were randomized to a between-subjects design; A third read a resumé from a candidate affiliating with the The Left Party, a third read a resumé from a candidate affiliating with The Sweden Democrats, a party at the right end of the spectrum, and a third read a resumé from a candidate with no political affiliation. After reading the resumés, participants evaluated the hireability of their candidate. They also stated which hiring criteria, experience or education, was considered most important in this evaluation. Results showed that participants evaluated candidates with divergent political affiliation from the own as less hireable than candidates with unknown political affiliation, or a politicalaffiliation more similar to the own. Cues of political affiliation may thus be a disadvantage for an individual, applying for a job. However, biased evaluations were not justified to seem unbiased by weighting criteria. It is suggested that social norms do not imply hiding political bias to the same degree as bias due to for example gender or ethnicity.

AbstractTitle: Political Bias in Entertainment (Politisk partiskhet i underhållning)Number of pages: 38Author: Andreas GawellTutor: Göran SvenssonCourse: Media and Communication Studies CPeriod: Fall 2009University: Division of Media and Communication, Department of Information Science,Uppsala University.Purpose/Aim: The purpose of this research paper was to investigate political bias in TheDaily Show before the presidential election 2008.Material/Method: With a quantitative content analyze based on variables connected withtheory from investigating bias in news, I am looking at 19 episodes of The Daily Showstarting one month before the presidential election 2008.Main results: The results of this research indicated a liberal bias in The Daily Show favoringthe Democratic Party. Both parties was made fun of and joked about, but the Republican Partyand its candidates was a lot more frequently laughed at then its Democratic equivalent. Alsolooking at the issues that came up in the show you can see Republicans getting to talk aboutissues not on their own agenda more frequently than Democrats.Keywords: The Daily Show, political bias, presidential election 2008, Republican Party,Democratic Party

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本研究主要目的是以內容分析法分析台視在報導1996 年至2008年的四屆總統大選時，選舉新聞的政黨偏差現象，並進一步剖析台視民營化前後，所有權轉變對選舉新聞政治偏差的影響。研究結果顯示，台視在民營化前的三屆（1996年、2000年、2004年）總統大選中，皆出現明顯政治偏差，且偏差方向均對執政黨較為有利。但台視民營化後，選舉新聞的政治偏差情形變得較不明顯，在2008年的總統大選中，台視的選舉新聞已遠比以往公正。為了解所有權轉變對台視選舉新聞公正性的影響，本研究以深度訪談法專訪十名台視記者，分析四屆總統選舉時的採訪歷程。受訪者皆認為，台視在民營化前，政府及執政黨明顯影響選舉新聞報導；但民營化後，政府及執政黨的影響力降低，台視選舉新聞已較為公正。 / This study examines how Taiwan Television Enterprise reported the campaign and candidates during the 1996, 2000, 2004, and 2008 Presidential Elections in Taiwan. A content analysis of evening news coverage of election news coverage of the television station indicated that there were significant quantity bias, source bias, and presentation bias in its coverage of the first three presidential election campaigns. However, the television station was more balance in its coverage of the 2008 presidential campaign. A depth interview of 10 reporters of the television station indicated that ownership structure has direct or indirect influence on election coverage of the station. The change of ownership of the station in 2007 has contributed to the achievement of more balanced election coverage in the 2008 presidential election.

Under what conditions can peace be established after violent communal conflict? This question has received limited research attention to date, despite the fact that communal conflicts kill thousands of people each year and often severely disrupt local livelihoods. This dissertation analyzes how political dynamics affect prospects for peace after communal conflict. It does so by studying the role of the central government, local state and non-state actors, and the interactions between these actors and the communal groups that are engaged in armed conflict. A particular focus is on the role of political bias, in the sense that central government actors have ties to one side in the conflict or strategic interests in the conflict issue. The central claim is that political bias shapes government strategies in the face of conflict, and influences the conflict parties’ strategic calculations and ability to overcome mistrust and engage in conflict resolution. To assess these arguments, the dissertation strategically employs different research methods to develop and test theoretical arguments in four individual essays. Two of the essays rely on novel data to undertake the first cross-national large-N studies of government intervention in communal conflict and how it affects the risk of conflict recurrence. Essay I finds that conflicts that are located in an economically important area, revolve around land and authority, or involve groups with ethnic ties to central rulers are more likely to prompt military intervention by the government. Essay II finds that ethnic ties, in turn, condition the impact that government intervention has on the risk of conflict recurrence. The other two essays are based on systematic analysis of qualitative sources, including unique and extensive interview material collected during several field trips to Kenya. Essay III finds that government bias makes it more difficult for the conflict parties to resolve their conflict through peace agreements. Essay IV finds that by engaging in governance roles otherwise associated with the state, non-state actors can become successful local peacemakers. Taken together, the essays make important contributions by developing, assessing and refining theories concerning the prospects for communal conflict resolution.

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Tesis por compendio / [ES] En la actualidad, el mundo político tiene tanto o más impacto en la sociedad que ésta en el mundo político. Los líderes o representantes de partidos políticos hacen uso de su poder en los medios de comunicación, para modificar posiciones ideológicas y llegar al pueblo con el objetivo de ganar popularidad en las elecciones gubernamentales.A través de un lenguaje engañoso, los textos políticos pueden contener sesgos partidistas y sociales que minan la percepción de la realidad. Como resultado, los seguidores de una ideología, o miembros de una categoría social, se sienten amenazados por otros grupos sociales o ideológicos, o los perciben como competencia, derivándose así una polarización política con agresiones físicas y verbales. La comunidad científica del Procesamiento del Lenguaje Natural (NLP, según sus siglas en inglés) contribuye cada día a detectar discursos de odio, insultos, mensajes ofensivos, e información falsa entre otras tareas computacionales que colindan con ciencias sociales. Sin embargo, para abordar tales tareas, es necesario hacer frente a diversos problemas entre los que se encuentran la dificultad de tener textos etiquetados, las limitaciones de no trabajar con un equipo interdisciplinario, y los desafíos que entraña la necesidad de soluciones interpretables por el ser humano. Esta tesis se enfoca en la detección de sesgos partidistas y sesgos sociales, tomando como casos de estudio el hiperpartidismo y los estereotipos sobre inmigrantes. Para ello, se propone un modelo basado en una técnica de enmascaramiento de textos capaz de detectar lenguaje engañoso incluso en temas controversiales, siendo capaz de capturar patrones del contenido y el estilo de escritura. Además, abordamos el problema usando modelos basados en BERT, conocidos por su efectividad al capturar patrones sintácticos y semánticos sobre las mismas representaciones de textos. Ambos enfoques, la técnica de enmascaramiento y los modelos basados en BERT, se comparan en términos de desempeño y explicabilidad en la detección de hiperpartidismo en noticias políticas y estereotipos sobre inmigrantes. Para la identificación de estos últimos, se propone una nueva taxonomía con fundamentos teóricos en sicología social, y con la que se etiquetan textos extraídos de intervenciones partidistas llevadas a cabo en el Parlamento español. Los resultados muestran que los enfoques propuestos contribuyen al estudio del hiperpartidismo, así como a identif i car cuándo los ciudadanos y políticos enmarcan a los inmigrantes en una imagen de víctima, recurso económico, o amenaza. Finalmente, en esta investigación interdisciplinaria se demuestra que los estereotipos sobre inmigrantes son usados como estrategia retórica en contextos políticos. / [CA] Avui, el món polític té tant o més impacte en la societat que la societat en el món polític. Els líders polítics, o representants dels partits polítics, fan servir el seu poder als mitjans de comunicació per modif i car posicions ideològiques i arribar al poble per tal de guanyar popularitat a les eleccions governamentals. Mitjançant un llenguatge enganyós, els textos polítics poden contenir biaixos partidistes i socials que soscaven la percepció de la realitat. Com a resultat, augmenta la polarització política nociva perquè els seguidors d'una ideologia, o els membres d'una categoria social, veuen els altres grups com una amenaça o competència, que acaba en agressions verbals i físiques amb resultats desafortunats. La comunitat de Processament del llenguatge natural (PNL) té cada dia noves aportacions amb enfocaments que ajuden a detectar discursos d'odi, insults, missatges ofensius i informació falsa, entre altres tasques computacionals relacionades amb les ciències socials. No obstant això, molts obstacles impedeixen eradicar aquests problemes, com ara la dif i cultat de tenir textos anotats, les limitacions dels enfocaments no interdisciplinaris i el repte afegit per la necessitat de solucions interpretables. Aquesta tesi se centra en la detecció de biaixos partidistes i socials, prenent com a cas pràctic l'hiperpartidisme i els estereotips sobre els immigrants. Proposem un model basat en una tècnica d'emmascarament que permet detectar llenguatge enganyós en temes polèmics i no polèmics, capturant pa-trons relacionats amb l'estil i el contingut. A més, abordem el problema avaluant models basats en BERT, coneguts per ser efectius per capturar patrons semàntics i sintàctics en la mateixa representació. Comparem aquests dos enfocaments (la tècnica d'emmascarament i els models basats en BERT) en termes de rendiment i les seves solucions explicables en la detecció de l'hiperpartidisme en les notícies polítiques i els estereotips d'immigrants. Per tal d'identificar els estereotips dels immigrants, proposem una nova tax-onomia recolzada per la teoria de la psicologia social i anotem un conjunt de dades de les intervencions partidistes al Parlament espanyol. Els resultats mostren que els nostres models poden ajudar a estudiar l'hiperpartidisme i identif i car diferents marcs en què els ciutadans i els polítics perceben els immigrants com a víctimes, recursos econòmics o amenaces. Finalment, aquesta investigació interdisciplinària demostra que els estereotips dels immigrants s'utilitzen com a estratègia retòrica en contextos polítics. / [EN] Today, the political world has as much or more impact on society than society has on the political world. Political leaders, or representatives of political parties, use their power in the media to modify ideological positions and reach the people in order to gain popularity in government elections. Through deceptive language, political texts may contain partisan and social biases that undermine the perception of reality. As a result, harmful political polarization increases because the followers of an ideology, or members of a social category, see other groups as a threat or competition, ending in verbal and physical aggression with unfortunate outcomes. The Natural Language Processing (NLP) community has new contri-butions every day with approaches that help detect hate speech, insults, of f ensive messages, and false information, among other computational tasks related to social sciences. However, many obstacles prevent eradicating these problems, such as the dif f i culty of having annotated texts, the limitations of non-interdisciplinary approaches, and the challenge added by the necessity of interpretable solutions. This thesis focuses on the detection of partisan and social biases, tak-ing hyperpartisanship and stereotypes about immigrants as case studies. We propose a model based on a masking technique that can detect deceptive language in controversial and non-controversial topics, capturing patterns related to style and content. Moreover, we address the problem by evalu-ating BERT-based models, known to be ef f ective at capturing semantic and syntactic patterns in the same representation. We compare these two approaches (the masking technique and the BERT-based models) in terms of their performance and the explainability of their decisions in the detection of hyperpartisanship in political news and immigrant stereotypes. In order to identify immigrant stereotypes, we propose a new taxonomy supported by social psychology theory and annotate a dataset from partisan interventions in the Spanish parliament. Results show that our models can help study hyperpartisanship and identify dif f erent frames in which citizens and politicians perceive immigrants as victims, economic resources, or threat. Finally, this interdisciplinary research proves that immigrant stereotypes are used as a rhetorical strategy in political contexts. / This PhD thesis was funded by the MISMIS-FAKEnHATE research project (PGC2018-096212-B-C31) of the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation. / Sánchez Junquera, JJ. (2022). Detecting Deception, Partisan, and Social Biases [Tesis doctoral]. Universitat Politècnica de València. https://doi.org/10.4995/Thesis/10251/185784 / Compendio