During his 2016 presidential campaign, Donald Trump distinguished himself from other candidates via his hardline stances on issues of immigration. Using data from national surveys conducted between 2014 and 2019, we identify three key findings about views of immigrants among the American public during the Trump era. First, xenophobia was the strongest predictor of Americans’ feelings—anger, fear, pride, and hope—about Donald Trump during his time in office, and the second strongest predictor of feelings about the Republican party (after partisan identification). Second, the influence of Americans’ levels of xenophobia on their feelings about the Republican Party were significantly mediated by their feelings about Trump, especially for negative affect (anger and fear). Third, there has been a backlash against xenophobia, such that political independents and Democrats became significantly more favorable toward immigrants after 2016. As a result, views of immigrants have become more favorable overall, but also more politically polarized. These findings support and extend immigration backlash theory, contribute to research on affective polarization, and document consequential trends in contemporary American politics.

U.S. politics, media, and citizens are highly polarized, stipulating that society is divided between Democrats and Republicans (Hameleers, 2019). The U.S. has seen an increased political polarization over the past 25 years (Heltzel & Laurin, 2020; Westfall, Van Boven, Chambers, & Judd, 2015). Technological development in the campaign environment has fueled this political polarization (Hong & Kim, 2016). In such a polarized technological society, partisan news media cover political issues and events from their ideological perspective (Arceneaux, Johnson, & Murphy, 2012), which may affect the polarized citizens.The Republican Party is conservative, while the Democratic Party is liberal (Westfall, Van Boven, Chambers, & Judd, 2015). Each party has issue agendas that they prioritize during the campaign. When political campaigns post a message on social media, they not only post just one issue but several related issues. These interlinked issues have a networked effect on the partisan news media and the polarized citizens (McCombs, Shaw, & Weaver, 2014). How political campaigns interlinked different issue agendas during campaigns in a polarized environment has not been investigated. This study intends to see the similarities and dissimilarities between the Democratic and Republican Party issue networks using a network agenda setting theory during the 2020 U.S. presidential campaign and how they build and set networked issue agendas in the partisan news media and the polarized public on Facebook. The study uses a hybrid content analysis and network analysis of issue agendas presented by the Biden and Trump campaigns, partisan media (CNN and Fox News), and the Democratic Party and the Republican Party supporters on Facebook. Facebook posts are collected using Facebook’s CrowdTangle Search option from January 1, 2021, to November 3, 2020. This study uses a hybrid content analysis method which engages with both human coders and computational means to analyze big data sets (Guo et al., 2016). The data analysis involves measuring core-periphery block model, clique analysis, network visualization, and Quadratic Assignment Procedures (QAP). A social networking analysis software, UCINET, is used for measuring core-periphery block model, clique analysis, and QAP correlations(Borgatti, Everett, & Johnson, 2018). The scholarship of political campaign communication needs to reconnect to the ideological positions of political campaigns, partisan news media, and party supporters. This holistic study is significant in terms of better understanding the mechanism of networked agenda-setting activities of presidential campaigns in a polarized environment on Facebook. Methodologically, this study offers new techniques for investigating networked issue agendas of campaigns, news media, and citizens. It uses core-periphery block model and clique analysis as indicators of network agenda building and network agenda-setting influences. Social media practitioners like campaign managers can consider the political polarization, fragmented nature of social media, and polarized audience during political campaigning.

The United States (U.S.) military withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021 was met with turmoil as Taliban regained control of most of the country, including Kabul. These events have affected many and were widely discussed on social media, especially in the U.S. In this work, we focus on Twitter discourse regarding these events, especially potential opinion shifts over time and the effect social media posts by established U.S. legislators might have had on online public perception. To this end, we investigate two datasets on the war in Afghanistan, consisting of Twitter posts by self-identified U.S. accounts and conversation threads initiated by U.S. politicians. We find that Twitter users' discussions revolve around the Kabul airport event, President Biden's handling of the situation, and people affected by the U.S. withdrawal. Microframe analysis indicates that discourse centers the humanitarianism underlying these occurrences and politically leans liberal, focusing on care and fairness. Lastly, network analysis shows that Republicans are far more active on Twitter compared to Democrats and there is more positive sentiment than negative in their conversations. / Master of Science / The United States (U.S.) military withdrawal from Afghanistan in August 2021 was met with turmoil as Taliban regained control of most of the country, including Kabul. These events have affected many and were widely discussed on social media, especially in the U.S. In this work, we focus on Twitter regarding these events, and study if public's opinion change over time especially by the posts of legislators. Therefore, we used two datasets about unrest in Afghanistan after the Taliban takeover. One datasets consists of of Twitter posts by self-identified U.S. accounts and the other one are the conversation threads initiated by U.S. politicians. We find that Twitter users' discussions revolve around the Kabul airport event, President Biden's handling of the situation, and people affected by the U.S. withdrawal. According to our findings based on several methods analyzing the content of the posts of Twitter users, the pressing issues are the humanitarian concerns for the people who could be the target of Taliban. Last but not least, we also studied the relationship between legislators and twitter users along with the dominant sentiment about the topic. Our analysis shows that Republicans are far more active on Twitter compare to Democrats and there is more positive sentiment than negative in their conversations.

The Supreme Court of the United States’ decision to reclaim the constitutional right to carry out an abortion in 2022, was founded in a far-right politician's agenda. Considering recent developments in Western countries in Europe, far-right political parties have increased their power during the 2010s until present time. With this thesis, the aim was to review far-right European politicians’ abortion policies on national and EU-level, to be able to present whether a threat towards abortion rights and thus human development could be seen in Europe as well. The human development approach was the theoretical framework used to analyze the findings in this thesis. This framework helped understand in what ways anti abortion policies oppose different types of freedom and general goals in society, and how this affects well-being, agency and justice. The research was carried out through a qualitative desk study with a deductive element, by presenting data in forms of results of roll-call votes in the European Parliament, party programmes and agendas, and other official documents. The results and analysis showed that the reviewed politicians and parties conduct policies against abortion rights at both national and EU-level, which drew the conclusion that tendencies of a threat toward human development in the West were found.

According to the Pew Research Center, the modern wave of political polarization began in 1994, and is the strongest today than it has ever been during the 23-year period. (2007) Polarization in the US party system is evidenced by several factors including: growing consistent partisan views, partisan antipathy, ideological bubbles, growing difference in preferences, a shrinking political center, and the lack of political compromise. (Pew Research Center 2014) The question I attempt to answer in this thesis is on the factors associated with political polarization within the millennial generation. One of the most pressing issues to this generation is what is known as the Student Loan Crisis, which is the $1.45 Trillion dollars Americans owe to private and federal lenders to attend college. (StudentLoanHero.com). In this thesis, I argue that economic inequality, via the student loan crisis, contributes to political polarization within the millennial generation. My analysis takes place at the level of the individual. I conduct a statistical analysis using the 2016 American National Election Survey Dataset, to test whether political polarization, operationalized as ideological and partisan polarization, is associated with polarization on economic issues that I link to wealth inequality in the millennial generation, controlling for polarization on social issues, interest in politics, and income. The main finding is that party/ideological polarization is positive and significantly related to polarization on economic issues in the millennial generation; whether or not the Student Loan Crisis underlies this link requires further study.

Environmental education (EE) programs strive to develop an environmentally literate citizenry capable of addressing the world's environmental problems. However, environmental concerns have become increasingly politically polarizing. As middle school-age youth are developing their own identities, they are likely becoming aware of the dominant political attitudes and environmental messages within their own communities. This thesis investigates the influence of sociopolitical context on student learning outcomes following participation in EE field trips and whether particular approaches produce more positive learning outcomes for students from different contexts. We used a quantitative approach employing pre-existing databases and geographic information systems to create measures of sociopolitical context for each school in our sample based on political partisanship and socioeconomic status. I have organized my research in three chapters: Chapter 1 presents a more comprehensive introduction to the field of EE and extended literature review regarding the question this research intends to address. Chapter 2 presents a quantitative study exploring the influence of sociopolitical context on student outcomes following participation in an EE field trip. Chapter 3 presents a reflection of my graduate learning experience and what I hope to achieve in the future. Results suggest that EE field experiences lead to less positive outcomes for students from wealthier Democratic contexts. While we also found some differences in program characteristics associated with outcomes for each sociopolitical subgroup, effect sizes were small and thus warrant further investigation. We discuss potential explanations for these trends and call for further research on the influence of sociopolitical context and socioeconomic status with relation to EE. / Master of Science / Environmental education (EE) programs strive to develop an environmentally literate future citizenry capable of addressing the world's most pressing environmental problems. However, these environmental concerns have becoming increasingly political polarized in recent decades. As adolescence is a critical period for identity development, middle school-age youth are likely aware of the political attitudes and environmental messages that dominate within their own communities. This thesis investigates the influence of sociopolitical context on student learning outcomes following participation in EE field trips and whether particular approaches to EE produce more positive learning outcomes for students from these different contexts. We used a quantitative approach employing pre-existing databases and geographic information systems to create measures of sociopolitical context for each school in our sample based on the political partisanship of a particular geographic area, as well as its interaction with socioeconomic status. Results suggest that EE field experiences lead to less positive outcomes for students from wealthier Democratic contexts; however, the authors call for further research on which approaches lead to better outcomes for students from different contexts.

This dissertation explores strategies for addressing identity-related barriers to environmental problem-solving through the lens of two social-psychological theories: self-affirmation theory and moral foundations theory. Through one theoretical review, two online experiments and one in-lab experiment I explore, integrate and test theoretically grounded strategies for reducing the defensive information processing that can exacerbate intergroup divisions in multi-stakeholder settings. The specific objectives of this dissertation are to 1) integrate self-affirmation theory and moral foundations theory into the current knowledge about collaborative conservation (Chapter 2), 2) evaluate ways of tailoring environmental communication to better reach socially and politically diverse audiences (Chapter 3), and 3) experimentally test the effectiveness of an approach, based on self-affirmation theory, to facilitate productive discussion of complex, value-laden issues in group settings. Before presenting the results of this work, I provide a broad overview of the problem of group-based divisions in environmental conflict and the theoretical underpinnings of the dissertation (Chapter 1). Finally, I summarize the results and discuss the broader implications of the research (Chapter 5). The results of this research offer initial insights into how tools grounded in these theories can most effectively be applied to help alleviate identity-based barriers to environmental problem-solving. / Doctor of Philosophy / This dissertation explores strategies for addressing identity-related barriers to environmental problem-solving through the lens of two social-psychological theories: self-affirmation theory and moral foundations theory. Through one theoretical review, two online experiments and one in-lab experiment I explore, integrate and test theoretically grounded strategies for reducing the defensive information processing that can exacerbate intergroup divisions in multi-stakeholder settings. The specific objectives of this dissertation are to 1) integrate self-affirmation theory and moral foundations theory into the current knowledge about collaborative conservation (Chapter 2), 2) evaluate ways of tailoring environmental communication to better reach socially and politically diverse audiences (Chapter 3), and 3) experimentally test the effectiveness of an approach, based on self-affirmation theory, to facilitate productive discussion of complex, value-laden issues in group settings. Before presenting the results of this work, I provide a broad overview of the problem of group-based divisions in environmental conflict and the theoretical underpinnings of the dissertation (Chapter 1). Finally, I summarize the results and discuss the broader implications of the research (Chapter 5). The results of this research offer initial insights into how tools grounded in these theories can most effectively be applied to help alleviate identity-based barriers to environmental problem-solving.

This dissertation consists of four separate papers. Paper 1: Will Privatization Reduce Costs? I develop a model of public sector contracting. In this model, an agent can put effort into increasing the quality of a service or reducing costs. Being residual claimants, private owners have stronger incentives to cut costs than public employees. However, if quality cannot be perfectly measured, providing a private firm with incentives to improve quality forces the owner of the firm to bear risk. As a result, private firms will always be cheaper for low levels of quality but might be more expensive for high levels of quality. Paper 2: When Does Privatization Reduce Costs and Improve Quality? Theory and Evidence from Service Contracting I develop and test a model of service contracting in residential youth care. I find that private facilities have lower per-day cost of treatment for low levels of quality, but higher per-day cost for high levels of quality. Though public facilities generally have a higher level of quality, private facilities are relatively better at treating troublesome teenagers. Treatment periods are much longer under private provision, implying that the average total cost of treatment is twice as high in the private sector. Paper 3: Identity and Redistribution (co-author Robert Östling) This paper models the interaction between individuals' identity choices and redistribution. Both redistributive polices and identity choices are endogenous, and there might be multiple equilibria. The model is applied to ethnicity and social class. Paper 4: Political Polarization and Economic Performance (co-author Robert Östling) We study the effect of political polarization on economic performance using the dispersion of self-reported political preferences as our measure of polarization. We find that politically polarized countries are poorer and have smaller and inferior governments. / <p>Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögskolan, 2007 viii, s. 3-9: sammanfattning, s. 13-203: 4 uppsatser</p>

abstract: By collecting and analyzing more than two million tweets, U.S. House Representatives’ voting records in 111th and 113th Congress, and data from other resources I study several aspects of adoption and use of Twitter by Representatives. In the first chapter, I study the overall impact of Twitter use by Representatives on their political orientation and their political alignment with their constituents. The findings show that Representatives who adopted Twitter moved closer to their constituents in terms of political orientation. By using supervised machine learning and text mining techniques, I shift the focus to synthesizing the actual content shared by Representatives on Twitter to evaluate their effects on Representatives’ political polarization in the second chapter. I found support for the effects of repeated expressions and peer influence in Representatives’ political polarization. Last but not least, by employing a recently developed dynamic network model (separable temporal exponential-family random graph model), I study the effects of homophily on formation and dissolution of Representatives’ Twitter communications in the third chapter. The results signal the presence of demographic homophily and value homophily in Representatives’ Twitter communications networks. These three studies altogether provide a comprehensive picture about the overall consequences and dynamics of use of online social networking platforms by Representatives. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Business Administration 2016

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