Le monde arabe, où l’Égypte occupe une place de choix par sa situation géographique et son histoire, n’a pas connu de gouvernements démocratiques depuis l’accès à l’indépendance des pays le composant. On soulève dans ce travail la question des mécanismes de la survivance autoritaire dans le monde arabe en prenant pour cas d’étude le régime d’Hosni Moubarak, les récentes mobilisations de janvier 2011 constituant à notre avis un « test » pour les dynamiques d’ajustement autoritaire à l’œuvre depuis trente ans en Égypte. Alors que certains auteurs soutiennent la cause d’une judiciarisation de la vie politique en Egypte stimulée par la place du droit et des juridictions judiciaires dans le pays, dans quel sens ont évolué les marges de manœuvre d’agents politiques et juridiques égyptiens ? La Haute Cour constitutionnelle a-t-elle été un facteur de stabilisation pour le régime autoritaire d’Hosni Moubarak ou bien, a-t-elle constitue un rempart contre le régime en place? Alors que les Democratization studies ont démontré leurs limites conceptuelles pour appréhender les évolutions politiques dans un espace supposément aux prises avec une « exception autoritaire » régionale, cette recherche s’inscrit dans la vague d’écrits offrant une lecture de la reconfiguration autoritaire dans l’espace arabe. En premier lieu, nous analyserons l’impact de l’activité jurisprudentielle émanant de la Haute Cour constitutionnelle égyptienne en matière de défense des droits politiques, et cela afin de montrer de quelle manière cette institution a participé à la survivance du régime de Moubarak (1981-2010). En second lieu, on confirmera nos observations à partir d’une étude portant sur les droits économiques levant le voile sur une « complaisance stratégique » des juges constitutionnels vis-à-vis du pouvoir politique. Néanmoins, ce ne sera qu’en remettant en contexte cette sphère professionnelle qu’il sera possible, dans un troisième temps, d’en expliquer les raisons en appréciant la sensibilité de ce segment professionnel à la notion d’indépendance judiciaire.

Submitted by Vasti Diniz (vastijpa@hotmail.com) on 2017-12-27T13:35:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 6153186 bytes, checksum: a8c4706f7510bfbfd12619172e5b49eb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-27T13:35:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 6153186 bytes, checksum: a8c4706f7510bfbfd12619172e5b49eb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-22 / The adoption of universality, of integrality and equity as foundations of health rights, was evidenced in the 1988 constitutional text, based on the historical construction of a health mentality that resulted in the reformulation of the Health System and the replacement of the Social Security model by the Model Of Social Security in Brazil. However, the notion of Health as a universal right is still an obstacle to the consolidation of health practices of subnational subjects (professionals, managers and users), of the consolidation of “Sistema Único de Saúde” (SUS) - Unified Health System - and of the establishment of the political character of SUS, as a mechanism for access to the improvement of living conditions through health. Thus, the present study sought to investigate the social representations that the professionals of the “Unidades Básicas de Saúde da Família” (UBSF) - Basic Units of Family Health, in Cariri from Paraíba, have regarding the SUS as a political right, based on the constant participation of the subjects and, these representations influence the attention in health practiced by these professionals. In turn, all these elements result in deficient or nonexistent effectiveness of cidadanização, which raises the need to strengthen it through the SUS cidadanização process, understood here as the intensification of participation, especially in SUS management instances. The originality of this work rests on the scarcity of academic research on the Cariri, region of Paraíba, exposes the difficulties to understand the local social reality and the consequent elaboration and execution of public policies for the region, which is made up of 29 municipalities. For the accomplishment of this work, the sample was chosen for convenience of the population formed by professionals that work in 02 UBSF of 05 municipalities of the region with greater quantitative population and offer of health services. Data collected through questionnaire (80), semi-structured interviews (42), and Focal Group (06) were treated with the Survey technique for quantitative data, and the Collective Subject Discourse Analysis for both qualitative data Analyzed in the light of the Theory of Social Representations. The field work points to the non-visualization of SUS as a political right, resulting from struggles and mobilization of society, based on elements such as clientelism and power relations established among the subjects involved in the health care process. The information of the interlocutors also indicates the scarcity or difficulty of continuous training regarding the innovations of health procedures; The lack of knowledge about the universality importance and of healthcare reform as a commodity, expressed in the implementation of health policies and health quality programs, such as the “Programa Nacional de Melhoria do Acesso e da Qualidade da Atenção Básica” (PMAQ-AB) - National Program for Improving Access and Quality of Basic Care. Thus, it is observed that health professionals still work in the perspective of the health insurance model implemented by the “Instituto Nacional de Assistência Médica e Previdência Social” (INAMPS) - National Institute of Medical Assistance and Social Security. / A adoção da universalidade, da integralidade e da equidade como fundamentos dos direitos em saúde se evidenciou no texto constitucional de 1988, a partir da construção histórica de uma mentalidade sanitária que resultou na reformulação do Sistema de Saúde e na concepção de saúde pública com a substituição do modelo de Seguro Social pelo modelo da Seguridade Social no Brasil. Assim, o presente estudo tratou de investigar as representações sociais que os profissionais das Unidades Básicas de Saúde da Família (UBSF) no Cariri Paraibano têm a respeito do SUS enquanto direito político, fundamentado na participação constante dos sujeitos (profissionais, gestores e usuários) e, como estas representações influenciam na atenção em saúde praticada por estes profissionais. Por sua vez, todos estes elementos resultam na deficiente ou inexistente efetivação da cidadania o que suscita a necessidade de reforço da mesma por meio do processo de cidadanização do SUS, entendida aqui como a intensificação da participação, especialmente nas instâncias de gestão do SUS. A originalidade deste trabalho repousa na escassez de pesquisas acadêmicas sobre a região do Cariri Paraibano, expõe as dificuldades para o entendimento da realidade social local e a consequente elaboração e execução de políticas públicas para a região, que é constituída por 29 municípios. Para a realização deste trabalho foi escolhida uma amostra por conveniência da população formada por profissionais que atuam em 02 UBSF de cada um dos 05 municípios pesquisados, totalizando 10 UBSF e seguindo o critério de maior quantitativo populacional e oferta de serviços de saúde. Os dados coletados por meio de questionário (80), entrevistas semiestruturada (42) e Grupo Focal (06) foram tratados com a técnica de Levantamento, para os dados quantitativos, e a Análise de Discurso do Sujeito Coletivo, para os dados qualitativos, ambos analisados à luz da Teoria das Representações Sociais. O trabalho de campo aponta para a não visualização do SUS enquanto Direito Político, resultado de lutas e mobilização da sociedade e para o fato dos profissionais de saúde ainda trabalharem na perspectiva do modelo previdenciário de saúde executado pelo Instituto Nacional de Assistência Médica e Previdência Social (INAMPS). A estes dados acostam-se elementos como o clientelismo e as relações de poder estabelecidas entre os sujeitos envolvidos no processo da atenção em saúde na região do Cariri. As informações dos interlocutores, indicam ainda, a escassez ou dificuldade de capacitação continuada com relação as inovações dos procedimentos em saúde; o desconhecimento da importância balizar da universalidade e da Reforma Sanitária como elementos fundamentais de construção e manutenção do SUS e o choque entre a concepção de saúde enquanto direito e de saúde enquanto mercadoria, expresso na implementação das políticas de saúde e dos programas de qualidade em saúde, a exemplo do Programa Nacional de Melhoria do Acesso e da Qualidade da Atenção Básica (PMAQ-AB).

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-18T12:54:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTACAO_JURACI GUIMARAES JUNIOR.pdf: 1228773 bytes, checksum: b734e287f93009610a0ea40190ad0ee2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-04-30 / The possibility and intensity of judicial review of participatory democracy in the popular initiative bill from the judgment by the Supreme Court of the Brasil of LC 135-2010, Law of Clean Record. After dealing the concept and evolution of direct and representative democracy to participatory democracy. Analyze the contours of democracy in the Brasil Federal Constitution of 1988 and the tension between democracy and the rule of law. Discuss to the various theoretical approaches to democratic deliberative aspects proceduralists and substantialists. The second step is to describe the political rights as fundamental rights, its concept, features and restrictions procedure. In a third step we discuss the legitimacy of judicial review in a democracy, addressing the various existing currents and contextualizing the legal reality and brazilian politics. Finally, it explains on the LC 135-2010, its participatory democratic formation and critically analyzes the reasons for the decision of the Brasil Supreme Court which ruled their (in) constitutionality. / A possibilidade e intensidade do controle judicial da democracia participativa no projeto de lei de iniciativa popular, a partir do julgamento pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal da Lei da Ficha Limpa. Inicialmente, aborda-se o conceito e evolução da democracia direta e representativa até a democracia participativa. Analisa-se os contornos da democracia na Constituição Federal de 1988 e a tensão entre a democracia e o Estado de Direito. Debata-se as diversas correntes teóricas democráticas até as vertentes deliberativas procedimentalistas e substancialistas. O segundo momento consiste em descrever os direitos políticos como direitos fundamentais, seu conceito, características e procedimento de restrição. Em um terceiro momento discute-se a legitimidade do controle judicial de constitucionalidade numa democracia, abordando as diversas correntes existentes e as contextualizando na realidade jurídica e política brasileira. Por fim, explana-se sobre a Lei da Ficha Limpa, sua formação democrática participativa e se analisa criticamente os fundamentos da decisão do Supremo Tribunal Federal que julgou a sua (in)constitucionalidade.

Le monde arabe, où l’Égypte occupe une place de choix par sa situation géographique et son histoire, n’a pas connu de gouvernements démocratiques depuis l’accès à l’indépendance des pays le composant. On soulève dans ce travail la question des mécanismes de la survivance autoritaire dans le monde arabe en prenant pour cas d’étude le régime d’Hosni Moubarak, les récentes mobilisations de janvier 2011 constituant à notre avis un « test » pour les dynamiques d’ajustement autoritaire à l’œuvre depuis trente ans en Égypte. Alors que certains auteurs soutiennent la cause d’une judiciarisation de la vie politique en Egypte stimulée par la place du droit et des juridictions judiciaires dans le pays, dans quel sens ont évolué les marges de manœuvre d’agents politiques et juridiques égyptiens ? La Haute Cour constitutionnelle a-t-elle été un facteur de stabilisation pour le régime autoritaire d’Hosni Moubarak ou bien, a-t-elle constitue un rempart contre le régime en place? Alors que les Democratization studies ont démontré leurs limites conceptuelles pour appréhender les évolutions politiques dans un espace supposément aux prises avec une « exception autoritaire » régionale, cette recherche s’inscrit dans la vague d’écrits offrant une lecture de la reconfiguration autoritaire dans l’espace arabe. En premier lieu, nous analyserons l’impact de l’activité jurisprudentielle émanant de la Haute Cour constitutionnelle égyptienne en matière de défense des droits politiques, et cela afin de montrer de quelle manière cette institution a participé à la survivance du régime de Moubarak (1981-2010). En second lieu, on confirmera nos observations à partir d’une étude portant sur les droits économiques levant le voile sur une « complaisance stratégique » des juges constitutionnels vis-à-vis du pouvoir politique. Néanmoins, ce ne sera qu’en remettant en contexte cette sphère professionnelle qu’il sera possible, dans un troisième temps, d’en expliquer les raisons en appréciant la sensibilité de ce segment professionnel à la notion d’indépendance judiciaire.

L'étranger a toujours eu un statut particulier en France. Déjà, sous l'Ancien Régime, celui-ci est soumis à une réglementation différente jusqu'à la Révolution française qui, malgré un vent nouveau ayant entraîné l'application d'un grand nombre d'idées novatrices et la création de droits importants, ne permet pourtant pas à ce dernier d'être considéré comme un citoyen. Il ne cesse alors de faire l'objet d'exclusion, tant au niveau social que politique. Cette situation se perpétuera jusque sous la III° République avant de s'accentuer sous le régime de Vichy. Après la guerre, le Préambule de la constitution du 27 octobre 1946 consacre de nouveaux droits constitutionnels économiques et sociaux. Pourtant, en dehors de l'alinéa 4 du Préambule sur le droit d'asile, aucun article ne vise spécifiquement l'étranger. Il en est, par exemple, ainsi du droit à la protection sociale qui n'est devenu effectif que bien après son affirmation, ce qui n'a pas manqué de poser quelques difficultés. Il faut, de plus, attendre l'adoption du Traité de Maastricht en 1992 pour voir émerger un statut supplémentaire de l'étranger, avec l'apparition de la notion de citoyenneté européenne. Ce nouveau statut confère aux ressortissants communautaires un droit de vote et d'éligibilité à certaines élections. Ainsi, une problématique principale se dégage du sujet. La question qui se pose est donc de savoir comment un droit historiquement contesté a finalement pu être progressivement affirmé. Cela soulève dès lors la question de savoir si, de la même manière, des droits actuellement contestés, comme le droit de vote local des étrangers, pourront un jour être affirmés. / The foreigner has always had a special status in France. Under the Old Regime, he is subject to different regulations, until the French Revolution which, despite having a wind driven implementation of many innovative ideas and the creation of important rights does not allow him to be considered as a citizen yet. He doesn't cease to be the subject of exclusion, at both social and political levels. This situation has been perpetuated under the Third Republic before being widened under the Vichy regime. After the World War, the Preamble of the 27 October 1946's Constitution dedicates new economic and social constitutional rights. Yet, except paragraph 4 of the Preamble on the political asylum, no article specifically targets the foreigner. If political rights are actually denied to him, it is the same for social rights, because of the economic and financial consequences. It is, for example, the right to social protection that has become effective after its statement, which caused some difficulties. Moreover, it is the adoption of the Maastricht Treaty in 1992 that gives other status to the foreigner, with the emergence of the concept of European citizenship. This new status gives EU citizens the right to vote and stand in some elections. Thus, a main problem emerges from the subject. The question is how a historically disputed right was finally declared. This therefore raises the question of whether, in the same way, human rights now denied, as the foreigners' local voting rights, may one day be affirmed.

Human rights universality has been questioned due to the lack of accountability in both international human rights law and States’ domestic laws when companies violate human rights. In response, the European Commission has proposed a Directive on Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence (CS3D), which imposes obligations on companies to identify, prevent, mitigate, and account for human rights impacts. The aim of this study is to examine whether the credibility of human rights universality, as defined by Jack Donnelly, is strengthened by the implications of the CS3D. The study also analyzes the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), which the CS3D refers to when defining human rights impacts, and explores the legal implications of this on Swedish domestic law and international human rights law. This study uses a legal dogmatic and legal analysis method to interpret the implications of the CS3D. Throughout the study, a fictional Swedish company and its subsidiary in China are used as examples to illustrate the legal and international implications of the CS3D. The results of this study suggest that the implications of the CS3D contribute to strengthening the credibility of human rights universality, as it addresses the legal gap of accountability in both international human rights law and domestic laws of EU Member States. However, the CS3D could also be perceived as coercive on third States and their natural and legal persons, which may potentially undermine the credibility of human rights universality in the future.

Pas de résumé / Doctorat en droit / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

La démocratie représentative reste un régime essentiellement représentatif qui a été conçu précisément pour exclure la participation directe de l’universalité des citoyens à la prise de décisions politiques. L’introduction d’instruments de la participation directe, en forme de l’e-démocratie, crée un conflit au sein de ce régime, conflit qui ne sera résolu que par un aménagement de la notion de démocratie représentative, voire sa substitution par une autre notion, ayant vocation à concilier les exigences de la participation et de la représentation. Cette thèse se propose de réfléchir à un modèle de régime politique-type susceptible de permettre l'intégration de l'e-démocratie.Une telle intégration met en lumière l’interdépendance entre la démocratie et les droits fondamentaux qui sont menacés de manière inédite à l’ère numérique. La possibilité d’introduire l’e-démocratie est donc conditionnée à la protection renforcée des droits essentiels : la liberté d’expression, le droit au respect de la vie privée, ainsi qu’à la reconnaissance de nouveaux droits fondés sur l’autodétermination personnelle. L’introduction de l’e-démocratie peut également remettre en cause certains concepts bien établis, tels que le principe majoritaire, ou exiger leur reconsidération, comme dans le cas de la bonne gouvernance. / Representative democracy remains essentially a representative government that was created precisely to avoid all the citizens to participate directly in political decision-making. Implementation of direct participation’s instruments in form of e-democracy creates a conflict within this government, a conflict which can be solved only by a renewal of representative democracy concept, even its substitution by another idea committed to reconciling representation and participation. This thesis aims a reflection on a concept of government capable of integrating e-democracy.Such an integration highlights the interdependent character of the link between democracy and human rights that are exposed to totally new threats in the digital era. The possibility to introduce e-democracy is conditional upon the reinforced protection of such essential rights and freedoms: as freedom of expression and right to respect for private and family life in the digital environment, as well as recognition of new rights based on personal self-determination. Implementation of e-democracy can also challenge well-established concepts such as majority principle or require their reconsideration, as in the case of good governance.

Aujourd’hui encore, notre vie politique est organisée autour de la relation de commandement à obéissance à laquelle nous oblige la souveraineté politique. Mais ce rapport d’obligation est une forme particulière du pouvoir politique, qui émerge au XVIe siècle à travers la pensée de Bodin, dans une conjoncture historique précise. Comment ce concept, renvoyant à l’obéissance absolue et inconditionnée des « francs sujets » à leur Souverain, a-t-il pu être conservé par les sociétés démocratiques modernes? L’indivisibilité et la transcendance de ce pouvoir peuvent-elles exprimer la souveraineté du peuple? C’est une première métamorphose de ce concept qui est requise pour traduire la forme républicaine instituée suite aux deux révolutions américaine et française du XVIIIe siècle. Se pose alors la question de savoir comment conjuguer la nécessaire obéissance aux pouvoirs publics avec la liberté humaine. L’obligation d’obéir à laquelle nous sommes tenus par l’autorité souveraine n’est-elle pas en effet assimilable à une limitation de cette liberté? Et tout pouvoir ne tend-il pas, par nature, à s’hypertrophier? Comment assurer les citoyens de la préservation de leurs droits subjectifs, tout en veillant à leur coexistence en communauté? L’étude la république fédérale américaine permet d’appréhender l’interaction particulière qui existe entre une certaine représentation des fonctions du pouvoir politique, et une dynamique sociale puissante et entreprenante. En divisant la souveraineté, les Américains en contredisent un des traits posés comme essentiels, provoquant ainsi sa deuxième métamorphose. Jusqu’où peut-on alors aller dans la remise en cause des attributs souverains, sans perdre la relation de pouvoir spécifique qu’elle inaugure / Even today, our political life is built on an interaction between command and submission, to which we are bound by political Sovereignty. But it is a particular form of the political power, that raised in the 16th century with Bodin’s intellectual contribution, from a precise historical juncture. How this concept, referring to the absolute and unconditional submission from the « free subjects » to the Sovereign, also pertains to modern democratic societies? Are the indivisibility and transcendence of this power appropriate to express people’s sovereignty too? Identifying a first metamorphosis of this concept is necessary, while assessing its transcription into the republican form of government set up by the two American and French Revolutions in the 18th century. Then it became relevant to question how to combine the necessary obedience to public powers with human liberty. Isn’t the obligation to submit to which we are compelled by a sovereign autority, a limitation of this liberty? Isn’t it in the nature of every power to turn abnormally large and invasive? How to ensure both the preservation of the subjective rights of the citizens and the citizen’s coexistence in a society? The study of the American Federal Republic allows us to describe the particular interaction between a certain representation of the political power’s fonctions, and an efficient enterprising social dynamic. By dividing the sovereignty, the Americans contradict one of its essential presumed features, initiating its second metamorphosis. To what extend, then, can we challenge the attributes of sovereignty, without losing the specific relation of power that its inception inaugurated

This thesis examines the impacts of white supremacy on Jews’ freedom of religion in the United States. In what ways is the American white supremacist movement a threat to Jews’ freedom of religion, and to what extent is the federal state protecting this right in accordance with Article 18 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR)? By using the Legal Analytical Method, and by applying Daniel Ian Rubin’s approach to Critical Race Theory (CRT), this thesis finds that the white supremacist movement is threatening Jews’ freedom of religion in three main ways: through physical attacks, psychological intimidation, and economic effects. Although the state provides Jewish communities with some protection from white supremacists, recent antisemitic attacks show that the U.S. government could do more to ensure that American Jews can fully enjoy Article 18 of the ICCPR.