The role of the new media in young people’s lives has led to a debate about the potential of the internet as a means of influencing identity formation and youth participation. A growing body of academic research has shown an interest in understanding this influence. This thesis sets out to study political participation as a form of online engagement through the use of the various new media platforms and how it may affect the process of identity development of Arab youth in Britain. Prior to the recent political developments in the Middle East and the so-called ‘Arab Spring’, British Arab youth were suffering identity uncertainty and had expressed little interest in political participation. During the early stages of the Arab Spring, British Arab youth became involved, in one way or another, in political activities, mainly online. This research combines quantitative and qualitative methodologies in order to achieve accurate results. The targeted group for this study is those between 18 and 25 years old, who were born in Britain or have been living continuously in Britain for at least 10 years. Data collected includes a total of 178 questionnaire samples, and forty individual semi-structured interviews. The core argument of this study is that British Arab youth are willing to participate in politics as long as it is meaningful to them and to the people of their countries of origin. This engagement helps them to balance their cultural identity (Arab) with the host culture (British). That may not contradict with the fact that British Arab youth describe Britain as ‘home’ with confidence. In fact, the balance between Arab and British cultures serves as a stabiliser in the process of identity formation and reformation. The thesis also explores how this active political engagement is reflected, in general, on their own identity construction and development. The evidences of this study suggest that, while online media has a role in providing British Arab youth with accessible and effective online tools, the mechanism of participating and debating all issues without reservation, may contradict the cultural heritage of stepping back from political participation. Therefore, this research affirms the importance of online media tools for British Arab youth reaching new horizons. Participating in political activities is one form of negotiating identity formation or reformation, that in one way or another can contribute to a more effective role of the British Arab community in the public, political and cultural spheres of multicultural Britain.

The interpretation of religious feeedom in European and international decision - making practice This diploma thesis focuses on the system of protection of religious freedoms in European and international legislation and explores its interpretation in the decision-making practice of the European Court of Human Rights and the United Nations Human Rights Committee. In recent years, the protection of religious minorities has become a topical issue, giving rise to numerous international judicial decisions. The core of the thesis provides a comprehensive analysis of some of these decisions. The aim of the thesis is to examine the importance international judicial bodies attribute to the protection of religious freedoms in relation to the system of the protection of fundamental human rights. It also discusses conditions and situations in which the exercise of these fundamental rights can be limited without encroaching upon fundamental freedoms of an individual. The introduction provides a definition of the term religion and describes its interpretation in specialized literature. The second chapter looks at the historical development of the protection of religious freedoms, its individual components and the modern concept of religious freedom laid down by international treaties/conventions on human rights...

"Election management bodies (EMBs) have thus been established throughout the world with the responsibility of administering elctions. However, merely creating a body to administer elections does not create public conficence and integrity in the electoral process. The establishment and operation of such a body must meet the key requirements of credible election administration. One such requirement is the need for the EMB to be independent of any party. The independence of the EMB is said, by and large, to attract the confidence of all the stakeholders in the electoral process and create integrity in the process. ... However, as one scholar has observed, the lack of autonomy of EMBs from the government in some African countries is one of the major challenges to the credibility of the electoral process on the continent. It is important to note at this point that the independence of EMBs, though not in itself a guarantee of free and fair elections, determines to a large extent the overall legitimacy and acceptability of an elected government by the electorate. Flowing from this discourse is the need for the independence of EMBs in Africa, both in theory and practice, in order to enhance democracy on the continent. ... Kenya and South Africa have established EMBs to manage elections in accordance with the Universal Declaration on Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the Organisation for African Unity/African Union (OAU/AU) Declaration of 2002. The Kenyan EMB has been in existence since 1991. Recently, the issue of its indpendence has become a central focus in a raging national debate on minimum constitutional reforms in Kenya. Similarly, the independence of the South African EMB, though believed to be sufficiently safeguarded, has also come to be questioned. These institutions play a crucial role in the democratisation processes in both countries, and one of the ways of achieving this goal, is by ensuring their independence from the political process. This study proposes to examine the independenct of the two EMBs and proposes ways of strengthening them with a view to enhancing the work of democracy in both countries. ... Chapter one introduces the study and the problem statement that has prompted the study. Chapter two analyses the concept of independence of EMBs. It also discusses the justification for their independence. A comparative analysis of the independence of EMBs of Kenya and South Africa is the subject of chapter three. Chapter four proposes to discuss the ways of further strengthening the indpendence of EMBs of Kenya and South Africa. The fifth and final chapter proffers conclusions and recommendations." -- Introduction. / Prepared under the supervision of Mr. Kingsley Kofi Kuntunkrunku Ampofo at the Faculty of Law, University of Ghana / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2006. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

Previous studies raise debates on which factors significantly affect the economic growth in different countries in Sub-Saharan Africa. Therefore, the purpose of our study is to examine and analyze how the selected macroeconomic factors can have different effects on economic growth in Sub-Saharan Africa. To concretize this, a panel data and regression analysis have been applied to 36 countries in Sub-Saharan Africa during the period of 2006-2019. The thesis is composed of data over corruption index, foreign direct investment (FDI), GDP per capita growth, population growth, education, economic freedom, and socioeconomic indicators such as political rights. To investigate these factors various macroeconomics theories have been applied, such as the Solow, Romer and Kremerian model, which explains the impact of population growth andeducation on economic growth. Moreover, the Electric Paradigm (OLI), the Institutional theory and some previous studies have been used to explain the effect of corruption, FDI, economic freedom, and political rights on economic growth. A linear regression model was made in the econometric panel data analysis to investigate the selected factors. The result of this study shows that population growth and economic freedom have a significant impact on economic growth. Other factors, however, were statistically nonsignificant.

No description available.

C’est un adage bien connu, la peine privative de liberté n’est, théoriquement, que la privation de la liberté d’aller et venir. La France s’est ainsi dotée, le 24 novembre 2009, d’une loi pénitentiaire régissant les droits et les devoirs des personnes incarcérées. Son article 26 précise que : « les personnes détenues ont droit à la liberté d'opinion, de conscience et de religion ». Ce droit implique en substance celui de rechercher des informations, de construire son opinion, puis de l’extérioriser, soit, de pouvoir librement s’exprimer. Or, la réclusion physique d’un individu entraîne inévitablement des restrictions à l’usage de sa liberté deparole, entendue au sens large. S’il ne fait nul doute que les individus incarcérés sont titulaires de droits subjectifs, dans quelles conditions peuvent-ils être exercés ? Les droits des personnes détenues sont contraints par les limites inhérentes à la détention, la sécurité et le bon ordre. Cela implique une censure des autorités pénitentiaires, tant sur la parole que sur les écrits des personnes placées sous sa garde. A ces limitations générales, il faut aussi ajouter lescontraintes liées à la surpopulation carcérale et le poids du contexte sécuritaire actuel. Il entraîne un durcissement des politiques pénales qui peut fragiliser la liberté d’expression des personnes incarcérées. / It is a well-known saying, the sentence depriving of liberty is, in theory, only the deprivation of the freedom of movement. France has established, on November 24th, 2009, a prison law regulating the incarcerated persons rights and duties. Article 26 of said law indicates : “incarcerated persons have the right to freedom of opinion, conscience and religion”. This right implies the right to search information, build an opinion and carry it out, therefore to be able to speak freely. Yet, the physical imprisonment of an individual inevitably triggers restrictions to the use of his broader freedom of speech. If there is no doubt thatincarcerated persons have subjective rights, in what conditions can they be asserted? The inmate’s rights are compelled by the limits inherent in detention, security and order, which lead the prison administration to censor speech and writing of the individuals placed in custody. In addition to these general restrictions, be added all the constraints related to prison overcrowding but also the weight of the current security context. It leads to the strengthening of criminal policies which can weaken the prisoners’s freedom of expression.

A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo geral realizar um estudo exploratório sobre a função social da escola pública brasileira. O estudo recorreu à revisão da bibliografia especializada, à pesquisa documental e teve como base empírica os dados estatísticos do Programa Bolsa Família (PBF). Partimos do pressuposto de que a escola pública brasileira foi, gradualmente e de forma irreversível, assumindo funções para além de suas atribuições didático-pedagógicas e para as quais não existe, no país, uma sistemática de avaliação. A revisão bibliográfica e a análise documental demonstraram a limitação dos modelos de estudo tradicionais quanto à função social da escola pública, mas apontaram para outra perspectiva de investigação. Concluímos que a função social da escola pública brasileira está estreitamente vinculada à promoção de direitos civis, sociais e políticos decorrentes da adesão do Brasil aos tratados e convenções internacionais de Direitos Humanos, possibilitando que as chamadas políticas públicas compensatórias fossem transformadas em políticas sociais, fortemente entrelaçadas com a política educacional. Para analisar a inclusão escolar destes novos sujeitos de direitos, cujas necessidades não se limitam ao processo de escolarização formal, recorremos ao referencial teórico-metodológico da Pedagogia Social, enquanto um novo paradigma educacional que, servindo simultaneamente às práticas de educação popular, social e comunitária, é também complementar à Pedagogia Escolar e à Educação Escolar. / This research aimed to conduct an exploratory study on the social function of Brazilian public school. The study enlisted the literature review, the documentary research and the empirical basis statistical data of the Bolsa Família Program (PBF). We assume that the Brazilian public school has been gradually and irreversibly, assuming functions beyond their didactic and pedagogical assignments and for which there is not in the country, a systematic assessment. The literature review and document analysis demonstrated the limitations of traditional study models as the social function of public school, but pointed to other research perspective. We conclude that the social function of Brazilian public school is closely linked to the promotion of civil, social and political rignts resulting from the accession of Brazil to international treaties and conventions on Human Rights, enabling the compensatory public policies calls were transformed into social policies, strongly intertwined with educational policy. To analyze the school inclusion of these new rights holders, whose needs are not limited to formal schooling process, we resort to the theoretical and methodological framework of Social Pedagogy as a new educational paradigm, serving simultaneously to popular education practices, social and community it is also complementary to the School Education and School Education.

A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo geral realizar um estudo exploratório sobre a função social da escola pública brasileira. O estudo recorreu à revisão da bibliografia especializada, à pesquisa documental e teve como base empírica os dados estatísticos do Programa Bolsa Família (PBF). Partimos do pressuposto de que a escola pública brasileira foi, gradualmente e de forma irreversível, assumindo funções para além de suas atribuições didático-pedagógicas e para as quais não existe, no país, uma sistemática de avaliação. A revisão bibliográfica e a análise documental demonstraram a limitação dos modelos de estudo tradicionais quanto à função social da escola pública, mas apontaram para outra perspectiva de investigação. Concluímos que a função social da escola pública brasileira está estreitamente vinculada à promoção de direitos civis, sociais e políticos decorrentes da adesão do Brasil aos tratados e convenções internacionais de Direitos Humanos, possibilitando que as chamadas políticas públicas compensatórias fossem transformadas em políticas sociais, fortemente entrelaçadas com a política educacional. Para analisar a inclusão escolar destes novos sujeitos de direitos, cujas necessidades não se limitam ao processo de escolarização formal, recorremos ao referencial teórico-metodológico da Pedagogia Social, enquanto um novo paradigma educacional que, servindo simultaneamente às práticas de educação popular, social e comunitária, é também complementar à Pedagogia Escolar e à Educação Escolar. / This research aimed to conduct an exploratory study on the social function of Brazilian public school. The study enlisted the literature review, the documentary research and the empirical basis statistical data of the Bolsa Família Program (PBF). We assume that the Brazilian public school has been gradually and irreversibly, assuming functions beyond their didactic and pedagogical assignments and for which there is not in the country, a systematic assessment. The literature review and document analysis demonstrated the limitations of traditional study models as the social function of public school, but pointed to other research perspective. We conclude that the social function of Brazilian public school is closely linked to the promotion of civil, social and political rignts resulting from the accession of Brazil to international treaties and conventions on Human Rights, enabling the compensatory public policies calls were transformed into social policies, strongly intertwined with educational policy. To analyze the school inclusion of these new rights holders, whose needs are not limited to formal schooling process, we resort to the theoretical and methodological framework of Social Pedagogy as a new educational paradigm, serving simultaneously to popular education practices, social and community it is also complementary to the School Education and School Education.

Le monde arabe, où l’Égypte occupe une place de choix par sa situation géographique et son histoire, n’a pas connu de gouvernements démocratiques depuis l’accès à l’indépendance des pays le composant. On soulève dans ce travail la question des mécanismes de la survivance autoritaire dans le monde arabe en prenant pour cas d’étude le régime d’Hosni Moubarak, les récentes mobilisations de janvier 2011 constituant à notre avis un « test » pour les dynamiques d’ajustement autoritaire à l’œuvre depuis trente ans en Égypte. Alors que certains auteurs soutiennent la cause d’une judiciarisation de la vie politique en Egypte stimulée par la place du droit et des juridictions judiciaires dans le pays, dans quel sens ont évolué les marges de manœuvre d’agents politiques et juridiques égyptiens ? La Haute Cour constitutionnelle a-t-elle été un facteur de stabilisation pour le régime autoritaire d’Hosni Moubarak ou bien, a-t-elle constitue un rempart contre le régime en place? Alors que les Democratization studies ont démontré leurs limites conceptuelles pour appréhender les évolutions politiques dans un espace supposément aux prises avec une « exception autoritaire » régionale, cette recherche s’inscrit dans la vague d’écrits offrant une lecture de la reconfiguration autoritaire dans l’espace arabe. En premier lieu, nous analyserons l’impact de l’activité jurisprudentielle émanant de la Haute Cour constitutionnelle égyptienne en matière de défense des droits politiques, et cela afin de montrer de quelle manière cette institution a participé à la survivance du régime de Moubarak (1981-2010). En second lieu, on confirmera nos observations à partir d’une étude portant sur les droits économiques levant le voile sur une « complaisance stratégique » des juges constitutionnels vis-à-vis du pouvoir politique. Néanmoins, ce ne sera qu’en remettant en contexte cette sphère professionnelle qu’il sera possible, dans un troisième temps, d’en expliquer les raisons en appréciant la sensibilité de ce segment professionnel à la notion d’indépendance judiciaire.

Le monde arabe, où l’Égypte occupe une place de choix par sa situation géographique et son histoire, n’a pas connu de gouvernements démocratiques depuis l’accès à l’indépendance des pays le composant. On soulève dans ce travail la question des mécanismes de la survivance autoritaire dans le monde arabe en prenant pour cas d’étude le régime d’Hosni Moubarak, les récentes mobilisations de janvier 2011 constituant à notre avis un « test » pour les dynamiques d’ajustement autoritaire à l’œuvre depuis trente ans en Égypte. Alors que certains auteurs soutiennent la cause d’une judiciarisation de la vie politique en Egypte stimulée par la place du droit et des juridictions judiciaires dans le pays, dans quel sens ont évolué les marges de manœuvre d’agents politiques et juridiques égyptiens ? La Haute Cour constitutionnelle a-t-elle été un facteur de stabilisation pour le régime autoritaire d’Hosni Moubarak ou bien, a-t-elle constitue un rempart contre le régime en place? Alors que les Democratization studies ont démontré leurs limites conceptuelles pour appréhender les évolutions politiques dans un espace supposément aux prises avec une « exception autoritaire » régionale, cette recherche s’inscrit dans la vague d’écrits offrant une lecture de la reconfiguration autoritaire dans l’espace arabe. En premier lieu, nous analyserons l’impact de l’activité jurisprudentielle émanant de la Haute Cour constitutionnelle égyptienne en matière de défense des droits politiques, et cela afin de montrer de quelle manière cette institution a participé à la survivance du régime de Moubarak (1981-2010). En second lieu, on confirmera nos observations à partir d’une étude portant sur les droits économiques levant le voile sur une « complaisance stratégique » des juges constitutionnels vis-à-vis du pouvoir politique. Néanmoins, ce ne sera qu’en remettant en contexte cette sphère professionnelle qu’il sera possible, dans un troisième temps, d’en expliquer les raisons en appréciant la sensibilité de ce segment professionnel à la notion d’indépendance judiciaire.