This thesis explores the shifting political culture of inter-war Scotland and Britain via an examination of political identities and practice in Aberdeen, Dundee and Edinburgh. Drawing on the local and national archives of the Labour movement and the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) alongside government records, newspapers, personal testimony and visual sources, relations on the political Left are used as a means to evaluate this change. It is contended that, as a result of the extension of the franchise and post-war fears of a rise in political extremism, national party loyalties came to replace those local political identities, embedded in a sense of class, trade and place, which had previously sustained popular radicalism. This had crucial implications for the conduct of politics, as local customs of popular political participation declined, and British politics came to be defined by national elections. The thesis is structured in two parts. The first section considers the extent to which local identities of class and established provincial understandings of popular democracy came to be identified with an appeal to class sentiment excluded from national political debate. The second section delineates the repercussions this shift had for how and where politics was conducted, as the mass franchise discredited popular traditions of protest, removing politics from public view, and privileging the individual elector. In consequence, the confrontational traditions of popular politics came to be the preserve of those operating on the fringes of politics, especially the CPGB, and, as such, largely disappeared from British political culture. This thesis thus offers an important reassessment of the relationship between the public and politics in modern Britain, of the tensions between local and national loyalties, and of the role of place in the construction of political identities.

The diploma thesis "The Poet Sings Poorly. The Media Response to The Song about Viktorka by Jaroslav Seifert in The Fifties of 20th Century" deals with the campaign set against the poet Jaroslav Seifert and his piece "The Song about Viktorka". The affair was raised by the communist weekly magazine "Tvorba". There is a critical historical analysis applied in the diploma thesis. The event is outlined from the wide perspective and also the medial, cultural-political, aesthetical and personality sights are viewed and combined there. It attends to the cultural, political and medial conditions in the turn of the 40s and 50s and it also analyses Seifert's position in this period. It investigates the acceptance of Seifert's poetic skills after the year 1948 and also it describes poet's political profile and his relationship to the communist party. It follows in details by broad circumstances which the critics of Seifert's poem "The Song about Viktorka" provoked and which were extended until the inter-war period. It analyses the reviews of the mentioned Seifert's piece of work, its impact on poet's future life and the cultural area of the beginning of the fifties. The aim of the diploma thesis is to set a comprehensive view of the affair Seifert had to face up with. It can also be used as an example of...

Um estudo historiográfico das Historiae abbreuiatae de Aurélio Vítor. Nisto consiste o presente trabalho, que procura determinar de que modo o referido historiador, no ocaso do reinado de Constâncio II, compôs uma narrativa dedicada à história do Império romano em sua totalidade. Para tanto, em primeiro lugar buscamos definir a natureza da obra. Em que pese os nítidos elementos biográficos que a integram, assim como a brevidade do texto, a obra de Aurélio Vítor deve ser pensada enquanto uma história, na medida em que o objetivo do autor se voltava para a exposição das causas que teriam condicionado o curso dos acontecimentos, da batalha de Ácio até o penúltimo ano do governo de Constâncio II. Desta forma, em um segundo momento, analisamos as estratégias de periodização e as concepções que Aurélio Vítor adotou a fim de contemplar a história imperial. As ações e o caráter moral dos sucessivos imperadores emergem nas Historiae abbreuiatae como o motor a partir do qual se movimentava a história da era imperial romana. Isto implicava, pois, o reconhecimento das oscilações que o mundo romano teria vivenciado ao longo de quase quatro séculos e as contradições que animavam a conduta das personagens históricas. Do que resultava, igualmente, na impossibilidade de se identificar um modelo ideal de imperador, em razão dos fatores e das circunstâncias distintas que marcariam o desenrolar da história do Império romano, como narrada por Aurélio Vítor. / A historiographical study of Aurelius Victors Historiae abbreuiatae. That is what defines the present work, which tries to ascertain how the aforementioned historian settled up a narrative about the history of the Roman Empire in the twilight of the reign of Constantius II. Therefore, we discuss at first the nature of the work. Despite the clear biographical trend we can observe in the text, as well as the brevity that characterizes it, the work of Aurelius Victor should be seen as a historical narrative since the author aimed to expose both the causes and the course of Roman imperial history, from the Battle of Actium to the last but one year of Constantius IIs reign. Thereupon we examine the strategies of periodization and the perspectives defined by Aurelius Victor in order to compose his text. In the Historiae abbreuiatae, the conduct showed by the emperors and their moral character represented the driving force of the narrative. That led the author to emphasize the ups and downs of Roman past in almost four hundred years of history. In this sense, Aurelius Victor did not lose track of some contradictions that encourage historical figures into action. That resulted in Aurelius Victors failure to identify an idealized model of Roman emperor due to distinct elements and circunstances that he himself pointed out in the course of the history of the Roman Empire.

In 1936, André Jolivet (1905-1974), Yves Baudrier (1906-1988), Olivier Messiaen (1908-1992), Jean-Yves Daniel-Lesur (1908-2002), and Pierre Schaeffer (1910-1995) founded the group Jeune France. They initiated this group under the influence of politically nonconformist movements in France which had started in the 1920s. The ideology of Jeune France was to revive in music 'true human qualities', free from 'extreme political domination'. At a time when some composers, associated with a revolutionary Left wing, were exploring avant-garde ideas in music that included atonalism, serialism, and other advanced techniques out of the common practice, other composers fell into a nationalistic Right wing, recalling the French Catholic traditions, and promoting an exclusive and true 'French' music. In contrast to these polarizing trends, Jeune France tried to trace back its art to its origins, and the goal of Jeune France was to re-establish music composition as something less 'abstract' than the Left, and more 'human' than the Right. The most powerful sound that can reflect the tenets of humanism in music is probably the human voice, especially multiple voices in a choral setting. Thus unaccompanied choral works, in particular, came to be a hallmark of many major composers of the 20th Century. The prevailing social and political environment of the pre-World War Two era also played an important role in contributing to the revival of unaccompanied choral music as a major genre. To demonstrate how these general social and political forces operated in the particular in France at this time, I have used Daniel-Lesur's Le Cantique des Cantiques (1952) to show how these affected a composer at this time. The goal of this research has been to look in depth at both Daniel-Lesur and his most famous work, about which little has been written in English; and to add to a growing body of literature which explores the rise of unaccompanied choral compositions as an important genre in the early 20th Century, a shift that is tied to political, cultural, and social conditions as well as musical ones. Taking Le Cantique des Cantiques as a token of a type, I show how this work reflects these issues as well as the aesthetics behind Jeune France. Finally, I have tried to show just how the experience of Jeune France influenced Daniel-Lesur as a composer as it did his more famous contemporary, Messiaen.

Orientador: Evelina Dagnino / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T21:26:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Santos_GustavoGomesdaCosta_M.pdf: 1057027 bytes, checksum: f44aeff5dc6aaedda4960449a1b0f29c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: O presente trabalho é uma tentativa de entender o movimento homossexual na cidade de São Paulo. A partir dos debates em torno das temáticas dos movimentos sociais, da cidadania e das políticas de identidade, pretende-se analisar os projetos políticos presentes nas percepções das lideranças homossexuais e compreender quais fatores explicam a adesão destas lideranças a determinados projetos. A hipótese principal é a de que certos traços das trajetórias individuais (as filiações a partidos políticos e outros movimentos sociais, as experiências profissionais e de contato com o Estado, o momento de inserção no movimento homossexual entre outros) explicam a adesão delas a determinados projetos políticos. A pesquisa visa colaborar com o debate em torno da questão da construção democrática, das relações entre sociedade civil e Estado e das intricadas relações entre cultura e política neste princípio de século / Abstract: The present work is an attempt to understand the gay and lesbian movement in the city of São Paulo. From the perspective of the debates on social movements, citizenship and identity politics, it intends to analyze the political projects, presents in the perceptions of gay and lesbian leaderships and understand which factors explain the adhesion, of these leaderships, to a given project. The main hypothesis is that certain aspects of individual trajectories (such as affiliations to political parties and social movements, professional experiences, contacts with State agencies, the moment of affiliation to the gay and lesbian movement among others) explain the support of these leaderships to a given project. The research aims to collaborate with the debate on democratic construction, State-civil society relations and the intricate relations between culture and politics in the beginning of the century / Mestrado / Mestre em Ciência Política

Orientador: John Manuel Monteiro / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade EStadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-14T22:36:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sant'Ana_GraziellaReisde_D.pdf: 8636939 bytes, checksum: d2eb8977713a9f8982992d808bf44e8c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010 / Resumo: Esta tese versa sobre a etnopolítica Terena no campo das suas inúmeras associações, criadas nas últimas duas décadas e nos mais diversos "espaços" - territoriais, simbólicos, entre outros. O associativismo étnico é um fenômeno bastante recente na história das mobilizações e inserções políticas indígenas, tendo despontado em meio aos processos de luta pela redemocratização do país e, especificamente, no campo do embate/aliança com o poder tutelar e a busca por cidadania. As associações indígenas, hoje, são importantes executoras ou co-gestoras de políticas antes geridas pelo Estado e realizam essas atividades através do gerenciamento de recursos sob a forma de projetos (convênios, financiamentos, acordos), desenvolvidos nas mais diversas áreas (cultura, educação, gestão ambiental) e em meio, também, a toda uma estrutura burocrática. Falar das associações Terena, dentro desse conjunto, é falar também das incorporações e ressignificações nativas a partir das especificidades dadas pela cultura, história, morfologia social, territorialidade e relações com o Estado, especificamente, será problematizar sobre as ações das associações nas Terras Indígenas e nas cidades, sobre a importância dos naati (lideranças) nas mobilizações políticas locais e nacionais, sobre a participação recente no campo dos debates das políticas etnoambientais, ou mesmo sobre os novos espaços políticos ocupados pelas mulheres. A partir desses amplos aspectos, a etnografia de algumas associações Terena permite constatar que podem existir diversas formas de associativismo realizados por um mesmo grupo indígena. Além do mais, demonstra uma parte da realidade vivida pelo associativismo indígena fora da Amazônia Legal, região de maior concentração de associações indígenas, recursos financeiros, técnicos e da produção intelectual acadêmica sobre a temática. Enfim, as associações Terena, em suas mais variadas formas, representam importantes instrumentos de reflexão/ação, que estão possibilitando novos espaços de aprendizados e conquistas. / Abstract: This thesis deals with the Terena ethnopolitics on the field of its many associations created in the last two decades and in several "spaces" - territorial, symbolic, and others. The ethnic association is a fairly recent phenomenon in the history of the mobilizations and indigenous political insertions, being raised among the processes of struggle for the democratization of the country and specifically in the field of collision/alliance with the supervisory powers and the quest for citizenship. The indigenous associations today are major executors or co-managers of policy that were run by the Government and carry out these activities through the management of resources in the form of projects (concordat, financial support, agreements) developed in several areas (culture, education, environmental management), and also in the middle of the bureaucratic structure. To speak about Terena associations within this set, is also to talk of the incorporations and native resignifications from the specificity given by the culture, history, social morphology, territoriality and relations with the Government, specifically, it will problemize actions of organizations on indigenous lands and in cities, about the importance of naati (leaderships) in the local and national political mobilization, on recent participation in the field of the political ethnoenvironmental debates, or even on the new political spaces occupied by women. From these broad aspects, the ethnographies of some Terena associations permit us to conclude that there may be various forms of associations performed by the same indigenous group. In addition, shows a part of the reality lived by the indigenous associations outside the Legal Amazon, region of highest concentration of indigenous associations, financial resources, technical and academic intellectual production on the subject. Finally, the Terena associations, in its various forms, represent important tools for reflection/action, which are providing new spaces for learning and achievement. / Doutorado / Doutor em Ciências Sociais

Um estudo historiográfico das Historiae abbreuiatae de Aurélio Vítor. Nisto consiste o presente trabalho, que procura determinar de que modo o referido historiador, no ocaso do reinado de Constâncio II, compôs uma narrativa dedicada à história do Império romano em sua totalidade. Para tanto, em primeiro lugar buscamos definir a natureza da obra. Em que pese os nítidos elementos biográficos que a integram, assim como a brevidade do texto, a obra de Aurélio Vítor deve ser pensada enquanto uma história, na medida em que o objetivo do autor se voltava para a exposição das causas que teriam condicionado o curso dos acontecimentos, da batalha de Ácio até o penúltimo ano do governo de Constâncio II. Desta forma, em um segundo momento, analisamos as estratégias de periodização e as concepções que Aurélio Vítor adotou a fim de contemplar a história imperial. As ações e o caráter moral dos sucessivos imperadores emergem nas Historiae abbreuiatae como o motor a partir do qual se movimentava a história da era imperial romana. Isto implicava, pois, o reconhecimento das oscilações que o mundo romano teria vivenciado ao longo de quase quatro séculos e as contradições que animavam a conduta das personagens históricas. Do que resultava, igualmente, na impossibilidade de se identificar um modelo ideal de imperador, em razão dos fatores e das circunstâncias distintas que marcariam o desenrolar da história do Império romano, como narrada por Aurélio Vítor. / A historiographical study of Aurelius Victors Historiae abbreuiatae. That is what defines the present work, which tries to ascertain how the aforementioned historian settled up a narrative about the history of the Roman Empire in the twilight of the reign of Constantius II. Therefore, we discuss at first the nature of the work. Despite the clear biographical trend we can observe in the text, as well as the brevity that characterizes it, the work of Aurelius Victor should be seen as a historical narrative since the author aimed to expose both the causes and the course of Roman imperial history, from the Battle of Actium to the last but one year of Constantius IIs reign. Thereupon we examine the strategies of periodization and the perspectives defined by Aurelius Victor in order to compose his text. In the Historiae abbreuiatae, the conduct showed by the emperors and their moral character represented the driving force of the narrative. That led the author to emphasize the ups and downs of Roman past in almost four hundred years of history. In this sense, Aurelius Victor did not lose track of some contradictions that encourage historical figures into action. That resulted in Aurelius Victors failure to identify an idealized model of Roman emperor due to distinct elements and circunstances that he himself pointed out in the course of the history of the Roman Empire.

Orientador: Omar Ribeiro Thomaz / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T12:36:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Brichta_Laila_D.pdf: 1739329 bytes, checksum: 3e53f6d58d2a3cdf40cd7e197c6ce43f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa discute o universo da produção de alguns intelectuais, especialmente Jorge Amado e Óscar Ribas, e de algumas associações, principalmente a Liga Nacional Africana e a Frente Negra Brasileira, notando suas ações para a elaboração de uma sociedade mais justa para parcelas da população excluídas dos projetos oficiais dos Estados, tanto no Brasil quanto em Angola entre os anos de 1930 e 1961. Consideraram-se as especificidades das formações históricas no Brasil e em Angola com o objetivo de iluminar dois universos distintos, buscando diferenças e semelhanças nas suas respectivas formações socioeconômicas e políticas. Objetivou-se conjecturar sobre o processo de constituição das identidades e de sentimentos de pertencimento nacional na contemporaneidade brasileira e angolana/portuguesa. Notou-se que a literatura e o associativismo foram alguns dos espaços para a elaboração desses sentimentos e dos projetos nacionais, bem como a educação - preferencialmente obrigatória, gratuita e universal - configurou-se na principal proposta dos grupos e sujeitos aqui analisados / Abstract: The present study examines, based on the reality of Brazil and Angola, the body of work published between 1930 and 1961, of Jorge Amado, Óscar Ribas, the Liga Nacional Africana and the Frente Negra Brasileira among others. It focuses on the concerns of the authors in shaping a just society for the excluded from the government projects. The distinctive attributes of the historical formation of Brazil and Angola were put into perspective to shed light on two different universes, aiming at differences and similarities of their respective socio-economic and political formation. The aim is to theorize about the process of the identity creation and of sense of national belonging in the Brazilian and Angolan/Portuguese contemporaneity. It was observed that literature and associations were part of the domains used in the formation of national feeling and national projects. Furthermore, that the educational system - compulsory, free and universal - became the main concern of the associations and authors analyzed / Doutorado / Historia Social / Doutora em História

Orientador: Marcelo El Khouri Buzato / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T03:43:36Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Sachs_RafaelSalmazi_M.pdf: 10793959 bytes, checksum: 2d0fd06b73083ec060e8de59058173ea (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: Esta dissertação teve como objetivo mais amplo gerar inteligibilidades acerca da relação entre a cultura digital e a ação política na contemporaneidade, a partir da articulação, no campo da Linguística Aplicada, entre a noção de linguagem digital como processo e o conceito de política como regime de enunciação, que objetiva traduzir em um os interesses de muitos. Como contexto para o estudo, escolheram-se os eventos das Jornadas de Junho de 2013, caracterizadas tanto pela emergência repentina de massivos protestos de rua no Brasil, quanto pela publicação, em sites de redes sociais, de uma grande quantidade de remixes e mashups contendo enunciados políticos a respeito. Compõem o corpus empírico da pesquisa 88 textos verbovisuais desse tipo, publicados no Facebook entre junho e julho de 2013. Entendidos como frutos de percursos de desmontagem e remontagem, e, portanto, de desressemiotização, esses textos foram analisados com base na articulação (proposta como objetivo teórico do trabalho) entre as categorias da Semiótica Social para a multimodalidade e as da Teoria Ator-Rede para translações. Como objetivo empírico, buscou-se descrever os significados representacionais e os percursos de constituição das montagens do corpus, em relação ao regime de enunciação da política. As perguntas de pesquisa foram duas, a saber: (1) quais foram os principais actantes mobilizados nos remixes estudados, e em que tipo de processos semióticos tais actantes apareceram com maior frequência?; e (2) quais foram algumas das operações de ressemiotização empregadas nas desreestabilizações sucessivas das diferentes versões de Brasil e realidade brasileira constituídas nesses textos? Os resultados elencaram as figurativizações mais comuns e os processos representacionais mais frequentes no corpus, em que os manifestantes, a nação brasileira, os políticos e a grande mídia foram os principais actantes representados, em geral, através de processos atributivos simbólicos. Destacou-se, nesse levantamento, a figura do gigante de pedra se levantando no Rio de Janeiro, empregada por muitos como representação unificada do Brasil e dos interesses múltiplos em atuação nas Jornadas. A partir dessa figura, descreveram-se ainda os processos de negociação de affordances para constituição de alguns dos textos analisados, e sua relação com as disputas pelo significado dos acontecimentos das Jornadas de Junho, e pela definição que era "ser brasileiro" no momento dos protestos. Como conclusão, os dados refletem a necessidade de buscar caminhos para compreensões menos deterministas da relação entre política, tecnologias digitais e sociedade, e modos de formação cidadã, no âmbito das mídias digitais, que viabilizem a compreensão de enunciados políticos como fruto de enredamentos semióticos sempre articulados em disputas de interesse, mesmo quando se pretendem neutros / Abstract: The main goal of the present study is to suggest ways of understanding the relation between digital culture and contemporary political action, based on the connection, drawn in the field of Applied Linguistics, between the notion of digital language as process and the concept of politics as a regime of enunciation which aims to translate the interests of many into one. The events of the June Journeys in 2013 were taken as context for the study, since they included not only the sudden emergence of massive protests on Brazilian streets, but also the publishing, on social network sites, of large amounts of remixes and mashups containing political statements on that regard. Seen as the outcomes of disassembling and assembling trajectories, and therefore, of deresemiotization trajectories, those texts were analyzed in the light of an articulation (also presented as a theoretical objective of this work) between Social Semiotics studies on multimodality and Actor-Network Theory principles for the understanding of translations. As empirical objectives, this work aimed to describe the representational meanings and the assembling trajectories of the texts in the corpus, in relation to the political regime of enunciation. The research questions were two: (1) what were the main actants mobilized in the remixes in the corpus, and in which kind of semiotic processes those actants appeared more often?; and (2) what were some of the resemiotization operations used for the continuous derestabilizations of different versions of Brazil and Brazilian reality represented in those texts? Results enroll the most frequent figurativizations and the most usual representational processes in the corpus, in which the demonstrators, Brazilian nation, politicians and mass media were the main actants, and were depicted, in general, through symbolic attributive processes. In that enrollment, the image of a stone giant rising in Rio de Janeiro was prominent, for it was used by many as a unified depiction of Brazil as a whole and of the multiple interests acting during the Journeys. From that picture, the results described the processes of negotiation of affordances for the composition of some of the analyzed texts, and their relation to the disputes for the meaning of the June Journeys events, and for what meant "to be Brazilian" then. As a conclusion, data reflects the need of pursuing less determinist ways of understanding the relation among politics, digital technologies and society, as well as the need for ways of citizenship education, regarding digital media, that address the understanding of political statements as outcomes of semiotic entanglements which are always connected to interests in dispute, even when allegedly neutral / Mestrado / Linguagem e Sociedade / Mestre em Linguística Aplicada

This thesis examines the debate regarding the establishment of a memorial to the victims of a national trauma; the terrorist attacks in Norway July 22, 2011. This thesis reflects on how different interest groups are treated regarding the memorial’s design according to the groups’ own opinions and arguments.The method chosen is a qualitative text analysis where a selection of material is used to formulate answers and opinions from the interest groups regarding the memorials purpose. Constructed argumentation are identified based on the perspectives regarding the issues.  The national memorial at Utøyakaia stands to remember the deceased and wounded, but also to give reflection upon terrorism and consequences of political extremism. This purpose is debated regarding on how this retelling of history should be presented at its authentic location.The interest groups are identified through the work since everyone’s involvement is not clear to all. Different forms of power and knowledge play a key role in these negotiations, where arguments and opinions are mixed through a private and professional character.  Appearance and location are the two biggest issues. Since these are most lacking in the agreements between the interest groups. The memorial should be beautiful and have associations to the island. This definition opens up to multiple ideas regarding its design which leaves no suggestion to feel justified.Utøya today is a name that brings association to the date and the place of the massacre. Utøya is an identity that has forever changed the island, AUF and the locals living in the area. It is both an authentic historical location and a memorial grove, a tourist attraction and a place where everyday life goes on through the trauma.  This is a two years’ master’s thesis in Museum and Cultural Heritage Studies.