This article studies the expressions and the institutionalization of popular sovereignty in post-independent Bolivia (1825-1879) by analyzing two components of the democratic system: the subjects involved and the procedures for representation. As far as the former, the article underlines the fact that being a citizen was not limited to voting, but was also exercised by other activities connnected with work, taxation, public petitions and the use of arms. On the other hand, the study of the procedures for organizing and the carrying out of elections highlights two additional realities: first, voting had a regulatory function intended to level off competition and avoid conflicts, and secondly, the reduced number of the electoral body did not inhibit the development of political competition because political participation went beyond elections to include the use of violence and other illegal activities / Los procesos de expresión y de institucionalización de la soberanía popular en la Bolivia postindependiente (1825-1879) son estudiados en este artículo a partir del análisis de dos de los componentes del sistema democrático: los sujetos y los procedimientos representativos. Con respecto al primer punto, se subraya que ser ciudadano no se reducía a votar y que podía ejercerse tal estatus mediante otro tipo de acciones, vinculadas al trabajo, la contribución, las peticiones pú-blicas o las actividades armadas. De otro lado, el estudio de los procedimientos relativos a la implantación y el desarrollo de las elecciones remarca dos valores de los mismos: primero, el voto tuvo una función reguladora encaminada a dirimir competencias y evitar conflictos, y segundo, el tamaño reducido del cuerpo electoral no impidió el desarrollo de la competencia partidaria, ya que la participación política ligada a las elecciones tuvo otras posibilidades de acción relacionadas con la violencia y la ilegalidad

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alexandre Sanson.pdf: 1528745 bytes, checksum: ddb2b6a621ee2635e8734373abc20fdb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-08-23 / Instituto Presbiteriano Mackenzie / The Federal Constitution on the 1988 proclamation its first article to set the Federative Republic of Brazil in Democratic State under law. The democracy concept retraces to the existence of a State in the form desired and assented for the people, treating themselves, in a context the governmental function exercise where the popular sovereign will decide, directly or indirectly, being the people always the bearer and the object of all legitimate power. However, the indirect democracy is far from effectively in an actuality giving fulfillment to its theoretical intentions, allowing itself to affirm that the representative system faces a serious and inevitable crisis. Becomes necessary to initiate a movement of renewal of the democracy politics conception, to proposals of reorganization on the State, allowing a bigger mediation of the government, to order to directly approach it of quarrels and deliberations that occurred to its, influencing in the abilities until then privatively granted the state agencies. The semidirect democracy, which is a kind of participative democracy, allows to the citizen to the exercise concrete for the popular participation in the public, trought the overcoming of the dualism between society and State, in way on the people, object of the deliberations of the government, becomes to be influenced actively in the routes of the collective, n the presentation of proposals as administrative incentive to the production of norms and acts, or for the approve or rejection of measure in the representative agencies. The plebiscite, the referenda and popular initiative, demand a routine that who is governing must promote a gradual process improvement in the people s discernment of the State structure, which, though the biggest access on politics information, will developing a necessary critical sense to participate and to guide the States' action. / A Constituição Federal de 1988 proclama em seu artigo 1º ser a República Federativa do Brasil um Estado Democrático de Direito. O conceito de democracia remonta à existência de um Estado da forma desejada e consentida pelo povo, tratando-se, de forma de exercício da função governativa em que a vontade soberana popular decide, direta ou indiretamente, sendo o povo sempre o titular e o objeto de todo poder legítimo. Entretanto, a democracia indireta na atualidade, por si só, está longe de efetivamente dar cumprimento aos seus propósitos teóricos, permitindo-se afirmar que o sistema representativo atravessa uma grave e inevitável crise. Faz-se necessário iniciar um movimento de renovação do conceito de democracia política, com propostas de reestruturação do Estado, permitindo uma maior ingerência do povo no governo, de modo a aproximá-lo de discussões e deliberações que ocorriam à sua margem, influenciando diretamente nas competências até então privativamente outorgadas aos órgãos estatais. A democracia semidireta, espécie do gênero democracia participativa, permite ao cidadão o exercício concreto da participação popular nos negócios públicos, através da superação do dualismo entre sociedade e Estado, de modo que o povo, objeto das deliberações do governo, passe a influir ativamente nos rumos da coletividade, quer pela apresentação de propostas como incentivo à produção de normas e atos administrativos, ou mesmo pela aprovação ou rejeição de uma medida tomada nos órgãos representativos. O plebiscito, o referendo e a iniciativa popular, exigem uma cobrança rotineira daqueles que governam, promovendo um processo de melhora gradual no discernimento do povo acerca da estrutura estatal, o qual, através do maior acesso às informações políticas, desenvolverá lentamente um senso crítico necessário a participar e orientar as ações do Estado.

This dissertation identifies institutional positivism and historically grounded pluralism as interpretive trends in the Canadian case law on Indigenous-state relations, and explores tensions between these trends. These are tensions between practices of judicial interpretation, not between theories of interpretation or legal concepts. They are practices developed case- by-case, with interpretive trends emerging over time through series of cases addressing similar issues in related contexts. Institutional positivist approaches insist that judicial recognition of Indigenous legal orders and accommodation of Indigenous interests must take place within established constitutional forms founded on state sovereignty. Historically grounded pluralist approaches show greater willingness to balance principles of state sovereignty against principles of popular sovereignty and of Indigenous priority in Canadian territory. While the two approaches overlap significantly, their differences sometimes lead to contrasting legal conclusions on key issues of, e.g., treaty interpretation, the relationship between Indigenous legal orders and the state legal system, and the jurisdictional dimension of Aboriginal title. This dissertation examines these positivist-pluralist tensions in the context of the current period of ideological transition and rapidly evolving imaginaries of Indigenous-state relations. Chapters 1 and 2 explore the case law to highlight concrete ways in which this ideological transition finds doctrinal expression in both positivist and pluralist modes. Chapters 3 and 4 offer broader reflections on philosophical debates relating to legal positivism and the role of popular sovereignty in constitutional interpretation by Canadian courts. The final chapter then considers the implementation of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) in Canadian law, with a focus on implementing legislation recently adopted by British Columbia and on two recent judgments that split the Supreme Court of Canada on the proper role of the Canadian judiciary in coordinating Canadian state law with non-state legal orders (Indigenous in one case and international in the other). This concluding chapter explains how the ongoing interplay of positivist and pluralist concerns will inevitably shape the reception of UNDRIP in Canadian law and the ongoing elaboration of Canadian Aboriginal law more generally. / Graduate / 2022-08-26

Between 1830 and 1844, the Mormons slightly shifted their position on African-American slavery, but maintained the middle ground on the issue overall. When Mormons began gathering to Utah in 1847, Southern converts brought their black slaves with them to the Great Basin. In 1852 the first Utah Territorial legislature passed “An Act in Relation to Service" that legalized slavery in Utah. This action was prompted primarily by the need to regulate slavery and contextualize its practice within the Mormon belief system. Ironically, had Congress known of Utah's slave population, it may have never granted Utah the power to legislate on slavery. During the debates over the Compromise of 1850, which series of acts created Utah Territory without restriction on slavery, Utah lobbyist John M. Bernhisel hid Utah slavery from members of Congress. Several years later, when Utah's laws were under review by Congressional committees, the public announcement of polygamy overshadowed information that betrayed slavery's practice in Utah. The fact that slavery's practice in Utah was never widely known, especially by members of Congress, delayed for nearly four years the final sectional crisis that would culminate in civil war. Utah may have been a peculiar place for the “peculiar institution" of slavery, but its legalization in the territory, and Congress' failure to acknowledge it, provide a compelling case study of popular sovereignty in action in the antebellum West.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:29:20Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alexis Galias de Souza Vargas.pdf: 1333206 bytes, checksum: b91dded94e4358df09b310c7d6147d3b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-06-19 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This study aims the identification and theoretical development of the constitutional principles of electoral law. The Constitution is full of principles, which are legal rules with differentiated normativity, whose application demands a specific methodology. Thus the Theory of Principles took a central role in the new constitutional hermeneutic. The identification and construction of principles, and the methodology used to extract its normativity, are tasks of utmost importance for the interpretation and application of the Constitution. Nevertheless, regardless of how much the national studies on constitutional principles evolved, we see that they have not focused on the field of application of the Constitution that falls specifically on the electoral legal order. Consequently, the electoral law resents the lack of systematization of its rules and a theoretic referential to support it and guide its interpretation and integration. This study humbly seeks to collaborate in the overcoming of these difficulties. It seeks to identify and help the construction of what would be the constitutional principles of electoral law. In order to reach this daring objective, we start from a clear stance regarding the Theory of Principles and the definition of a scientific methodology, within a dogmatic perspective, which allows the outlining of a safe path in the disclosure and construction of these principles, to then pursue the field of constitutional electoral order. It is not a study that seeks to exhaust the subject. This work is necessarily incomplete, considering that principles, by their own nature, can be implicit and constructed through an evolutionary interpretation. On the other hand, the study allows one to safety attest that the rules expressed herein are constitutional principles that shall inform the Brazilian electoral law. The result of this study is a list of constitutional principles of electoral law, classified according to their scope and with the definition of their contents, theoretic justifications and their jurisprudential development / O objetivo deste estudo é a identificação e o desenvolvimento teórico dos princípios constitucionais do direito eleitoral. A Constituição está repleta de princípios, que são normas jurídicas de normatividade diferenciada e cuja aplicação requer metodologia específica. É por isso que a Teoria dos Princípios assumiu papel central na nova hermenêutica constitucional. A identificação e a construção dos princípios, bem como a metodologia para extrair sua normatividade, são tarefas do maior relevo para a interpretação e aplicação da Constituição. Entretanto, por mais que tenham evoluído os estudos nacionais sobre os princípios constitucionais, verificamos que estes ainda não tomaram por objeto o campo de incidência da Constituição que recai especificamente sobre o ordenamento jurídico eleitoral. Consequentemente, o direito eleitoral se ressente da falta de uma sistematização de suas normas e de um referencial teórico que lhe dê sustentação e lhe paute a interpretação e integração. Este estudo visa, humildemente, a colaborar na superação destas dificuldades. Visa ele a identificar e ajudar na construção de quais seriam os princípios constitucionais do direito eleitoral. Para cumprir com este ousado objetivo, partimos de um posicionamento claro a respeito da Teoria dos Princípios e a definição de uma metodologia científica, dentro de uma perspectiva dogmática, que permita traçar um caminho seguro na revelação e construção destes princípios, para então enveredar-se no campo do ordenamento constitucional eleitoral. Não se trata de um estudo que pretende esgotar o tema. Este é um trabalho necessariamente incompleto, eis que os princípios, por sua própria natureza, podem ser implícitos e construídos através de uma interpretação evolutiva. De outra parte, o estudo permite atestar, com segurança, que as normas aqui vertidas são princípios constitucionais que devem informar o direito eleitoral brasileiro. O resultado do estudo é um rol de princípios constitucionais de direito eleitoral, classificados conforme o seu objeto e com a definição de seus conteúdos, justificativas teóricas e seu desenvolvimento jurisprudencial

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:21:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jerson Carneiro Goncalves Junior.pdf: 3777696 bytes, checksum: 548728b94562caf95a271891f5fe2ce7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-10-09 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The objectives of this paper are to reflect upon the exercise of the political fundamental right of citizen s initiative. In order to fulfill this constitutional aspiration under the scope of citizenship and the democratic rule of law, it is essential to consider the concept of citizenship and the analysis of citizen s initiative in the federal, state, district. The legal system points out to the fundamental principle of citizenship and the democratic rule of Law, communicating constitutional laws implied in the process of the exercise of citizenship, disseminating them throughout the legal system. Based on the idea of principle, this paper analyzes citizen s initiative expressed in the federal, state and municipal realms in order to sustain the feasibility of the right to exercise this fundamental political right in the lawmaking process for constitutional amendments. In order to do that, in the light of constitutional law, there is the need to recognize the innate citizen as the only one entitled to propose and initiate amendments to the Constitution. In this sense, constitutional law is an open inter-text and the study of history is fundamental, because without it human beings would never have found conditions to evolve. For this reason, the path to understand citizen s initiative should consider the Brazilian constitutional history, especially the review of the Assembly s annals of the 1987 National Constitution Assembly in order to evaluate and challenge the writing of the constitutional and infra-constitutional laws related to citizen s initiative in order to demonstrate, by the interpretation of constitutional laws, that innate citizens have the possibility of exercising their political fundamental right in relation to the lawmaking process and constitutional amendments / O objetivo deste trabalho centraliza-se na reflexão do exercício do direito político fundamental de iniciativa popular das leis prevista na Constituição brasileira de 1988. Para alcançar o significado desiderato constitucional, sob o prisma da cidadania, torna-se mister a perseguição do conceito de cidadão e a análise da iniciativa popular nas esfera federal, estadual, distrital, municipal e, caso haja no futuro, no território federal. O sistema jurídico aponta a observância dos princípios fundamentais da soberania popular, do Estado Democrático de Direito e da cidadania, informando as normas constitucionais implicadas em processo do exercício da cidadania e disseminando por todo ordenamento jurídico. Partindo da ideia de sistema, analisa-se a iniciativa popular de lei no âmbito federal, estadual e municipal para sustentar a viabilidade do exercício desse direito político fundamental no processo legislativo de Emenda à Constituição. Para esse enfrentamento à luz do Direito Constitucional brasileiro, há necessidade de reconhecimento do cidadão nato, como único legitimado a propor e a iniciar o processo legislativo de Emenda à Constituição. O Direito Constitucional é intertexto aberto e, nesse sentido, o estudo da história é fundamental, pois sem ela o cidadão jamais teria encontrado condições para evoluir. Por isso, o caminho a ser trilhado é o entendimento da iniciativa popular de lei passa pela história constitucional brasileira, em especial pela análise dos Anais da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Daniela Kalil.pdf: 1708469 bytes, checksum: 351e62fde2a6802246162bf1c86afa06 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-28 / Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie / The preamble of the Constitution of the Federative Republic of Brazil of 1988, called Citizen Constitution states that representatives of the Brazilian people gathered in the National Constituent Assembly to institute a Democratic State. This democratic state founded on some fundamental principles constitutionally expressed, including, sovereignty and citizenship, which are prerequisites for citizens' political participation in public affairs. All these concepts are interrelated, complementing each other and constitute a set of principles, rights and duties, which provides the practical existence of democratic political order. The challenge of Brazilian society, as well as of other contemporary democratic societies, is to promote the improvement and accomplishment of popular participation in the State s life, which reveals a very complex task from the moment one understands that, first, it is imperative that become effective the rights and guarantees proclaimed in the Constitution. Aside from this need, it is essential, also, that people dispose of participatory mechanisms, which enjoy a truly legal and political framework that aims at the achievement, execution and result. In a country whose highest law prescribes that all power emanates from the people, who may exercise it in a direct form, popular participation is a prerequisite for the fulfillment of the purposes of a democratic State under law. The plebiscite comes as a fundamentally valuable tool for the achievement and consolidation of participatory democracy. / O preâmbulo da Constituição da República Federativa do Brasil de 1988, denominada Constituição Cidadã, declara que representantes do povo brasileiro reuniram-se em Assembléia Nacional Constituinte para instituir um Estado Democrático. Esse Estado Democrático de Direito alicerça-se em alguns princípios fundamentais constitucionalmente expressos, dentre eles, a soberania e a cidadania, que são pressupostos para a participação política dos cidadãos nos negócios públicos. Todos esses conceitos estão interligados, complementando-se mutuamente, e constituem um conjunto de princípios, direitos e deveres, que propicia a existência prática da ordem política democrática. O desafio da sociedade brasileira, assim como das demais sociedades democráticas contemporâneas, é promover o aprimoramento e a concretização da participação popular na vida do Estado, o que se revela tarefa de grande complexidade a partir do momento que se compreende que, antes, é imprescindível que se efetivem os direitos e garantias fundamentais previstos na Constituição. Afora essa necessidade, é essencial, ainda, que o povo disponha de mecanismos participativos, que usufruam de uma estrutura genuinamente legal e política que vise à sua aplicação, execução e resultado. Em um país cuja Lei Maior prescreve que todo o poder emana do povo, que poderá exercê-lo de forma direta, a participação popular é requisito para o cumprimento dos propósitos do Estado Democrático de Direito. O plebiscito surge como um instrumento fundamentalmente valioso para a realização e consolidação da democracia participativa.

[pt] O debate argumentativo na sociedade antecede e renova o espírito vinculante das cartas constitucionais. A busca por uma fundamentação da normatividade dos princípios constitucionais requer, mais do que o peso que se pretende atribuir ao papel da jurisdição constitucional, que se identifique a relevância da deliberação democrática no processo de formação do sentimento constitucional pelos cidadãos da polis, que são, ao mesmo tempo, destinatários e agentes criadores das diretrizes políticas fundamentais. A maior contribuição dos estudos elaborados em torno da democracia deliberativa reside, pois, na percepção da inestimável relevância das relações intersubjetivas entre os membros da comunidade durante o processo político, o conhecimento de suas dificuldades e limites, assim como a verificação de seus méritos. Neste rumo, é oferecido um vasto campo favorável à aproximação entre as teses contrapostas dos liberais e republicanos, tornando possível a coexistência teórica e prática entre a realização efetiva da soberania popular e a proteção dos direitos fundamentais, tendo sempre em vista a supremacia da dignidade humana, como elemento informador e balizador de todas as atividades ínsitas à vida em sociedade. / [en] The argumentative debate inside society antecedes and renews the bonding force of the constitutional charts. The search for a justification of fundamental rights and principles requires, more than the weight that one might wish to attribute to the role of constitutional jurisdiction, that the relevance of democratic deliberation be taken into account in the process of the formation of a constitutional feeling by the people of the polis, which are at the same time addressees and creators of the fundamental political directives. The most important contribution of recent studies concerning deliberative democracy reside, in fact, in the perception of the utmost relevance of the intersubjective relations between all members of the affected community during the political process, the knowledge of its difficulties and limits, as well as the verification of its merits. In this direction, a vast field is offered for the convergence between opposed theories such as those of liberals and republicans, paving the way for the effective application of popular sovereignty and human rights protection, while considering the supremacy of the value of human dignity as the informative and orientative standard of all activities inherent to life in society.

As a classical scholar and prominent founding father, James Wilson was at once statesman, judge, and political thinker, who read Cicero as an example worthy of emulation and as a philosopher whose theory could be applied to his own age. Classical reception studies have focused on questions of liberty, civic virtue, and constitutionalism in the American founding, and historians have also noted Wilson’s importance in American history and thought. Wilson’s direct engagement with Cicero’s works, however, and their significance in the formulation of his own philosophy has been long overlooked. My thesis argues that Wilson’s viewpoint was largely based on his readings of Cicero and can only be properly understood within this context. In the first two chapters of my thesis I demonstrate that Wilson not only possessed a wide-ranging knowledge of the classics in general, but also that he borrowed from Cicero’s writings and directly engaged with the texts themselves. Building upon this foundation, chapters three and four examine Cicero’s perspective on popular sovereignty and civic virtue, situate Wilson’s interpretations within contemporary discussions of Roman politics, and analyse the main ways in which he adapts Cicero’s arguments to his own era. Wilson retains a broader faith in the common people than seen in Cicero’s opinions, and he abstracts from Cicero a doctrine of sovereignty as an indivisible principle that is absent in the text; nevertheless, Cicero’s conception of a legitimate state and his insistence on the role of the people provided the foundation for Wilson’s thought and ultimately for his legitimization of the American Revolution. At the same time, like Cicero, Wilson views the stability of the state as resting in the personal virtue of the individual. While his enlightenment philosophy imparts optimism to his conception of the good citizen, his definition of virtue closely follows that of Cicero. As the final chapter of my thesis concludes, their individual interpretations of these theories of popular consent and virtue were instrumental in forming Cicero’s and Wilson’s justifications of civil disobedience.

[pt] A Constituição Federal de 1988 inaugurou uma nova fase política no país, sendo considerada inegavelmente um avanço no caminho do regime democrático no Brasil, após aproximadamente 24 anos de ditadura militar. Entretanto, para se compreender melhor o texto constitucional, se faz necessária a análise dos debates na Assembleia Constituinte de 1987-1988, que foi palco de confrontos entre progressistas e conservadores. Em disputa, encontravam-se temas relativos à soberania popular, poder constituinte, reforma agrária, dentre outros. A presente dissertação propõe uma análise acerca de temas relacionados ao poder constituinte, abordando o tema, não sob uma perspectiva do constitucionalismo, mas a partir das lições de Antonio Negri, para quem o poder constituinte pertence à multidão e traduz uma força de produção ontológica de novas realidades e institucionalidades. Assim, o trabalho analisará propostas institutos de Democracia Semidireta, que prestigiavam uma maior participação popular nas decisões políticas do país, e que foram rejeitadas ou esvaziadas durante os debates da constituinte. Longe de defender tais instituições como o melhor projeto, até porque só quem pode decidir e pensar nas melhores instituições políticas é a multidão, a presente dissertação busca auferir se tais exclusões dos institutos caracterizam momentos de termidor. / [en] The Federal Constitution of 1988 ushered in a new political phase within the country and is considered a landmark to the return of Democracy in Brazil, after 24 years of military dictatorship. However, to better understand the constitution, it is imperative to analyze the debates of the Constituent Assembly of 1987-1988, which was the scene of conflicts between Progressivists and Conservatives. In Dispute, themes related to popular sovereignty, constituent power, agrarian reform, and among others. This dissertation proposes an analysis of theses debates related to the constituent power, addressing the topic, not from the perspective of constitutionalism, but from the lessons of Antonio Negri, for whom the constituent power belongs to the people and reflects an ontological force of production of new realities and institutionalities. Therefore this paper will analyze proposals of semi-direct Democracy institutions that encouraged greater popular participation in political decisions and were rejected during the debates of the Constituent Assembly. Staying distant from defending such institutions as the best project, because the only one who can think and decide on the best political institutions is the multitude. This thesis seeks to identify if such exclusions are moments of the thermidor of Negri.