The thesis deals with the issue of gentrification in the post-socialist context of Central Europe. This phenomenon occurs mainly in the inner city districts, where the local social structure is disturbed through the physical upgrade of the neighborhood (e.g. flats, shops and restaurants) by pushing out the poorer layers of society by the more wealthy ones. In the cities marked by the communist urban planning, the inner city parts were neglected at the expense of peripheral prefab concrete buildings, thus creating great potential for local investment after the fall of the Iron Curtain. The process of gentrification is illustrated in this paper by the comparison of the two city districts Praga-Północ (Warsaw) and Prague 7 (Prague) in the time between 1989 and 2017. As a starting point for comparison, a special case of Prenzlauer Berg district in Berlin is used, where the process has shown significant impact already in the 1990s. In this respect the aim of the thesis is to investigate the links between Warsaw and Prague, also how these cases differ. At the same time, the role of the public sector is studied as a relevant factor influencing gentrification in the post-socialist region of Central Europe. The results of the study showed that analogous processes of gentrification appear in the Praga-Północ and...

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This thesis explores the role played by nationalism in Estonia's transition to capitalism in the post-Soviet era and the way it continues to impact the Estonian economy. I hypothesize that nationalism was the key factor in this transition and that nationalism has placed a disproportionate economic burden on the resident ethnic Russians. First, I examine the history of Estonian nationalism. I examine the Estonian nationalist narrative from its beginning during the Livonian Crusade, the founding of Estonian nationalist thought in the late 1800s with a German model of nationalism, the conditions of the Soviet occupation, and the role of song festivals in Estonian nationalism. Second, I give a brief overview of the economic systems of Soviet and post-Soviet Estonia. Finally, I examine the impact of nationalism on the Estonian economy. To do this, I discuss the nature of nationalist economy, the presence of an ethno-national divide between the Estonians and Russians, and the impact of nationalist policies in citizenship, education, property rights, and geographical location. I find that there is a disproportionate difference in these areas between Estonians and ethnic Russians which affect the economy. I conclude by examining the problems and potential solutions to citizenship law, the use of neoliberalism in assimilation, and proposing a framework which could be used to examine disparities between differing groups in other economies. / Master of Arts

Notre examen de la reconfiguration de la propriété privée durant les régimes communistes et postcommunistes a comme point de départ une interrogation banale qui, depuis l’ouvrage canonique de Laswell, Politics. Who gets what, when, and how ?, est considérée essentielle pour la compréhension des processus politiques : qui sont les principaux bénéficiaires / perdants de ces métamorphoses du régime de la propriété ? Pour formuler une réponse à cette interrogation, nous avons structuré notre analyse en trois parties. La première partie, "La Propriété urbaine dans la Roumanie (post)socialiste. Politique et politiques publiques", dresse un tableau général de la transformation socialiste et postsocialiste de la propriété privée en milieu urbain. Ce tableau général concerne tant le cadre normatif et institutionnel, que les acteurs socio-politiques qui essaient de s’impliquer dans l’élaboration des politiques publiques. Les deux études de cas qui constituent la deuxième et la troisième partie de la thèse examinent la construction juridico-politique des « gagnants » et des « perdants » de ces processus de reconfiguration de la propriété : La propriété et « l’ethno-nation » dans la Roumanie (post)socialiste. Le cas de la communauté juive (2e partie), respectivement Métamorphoses (post)socialistes d’un « quartier rouge ». Propriété et élites politiques en Roumanie (3e partie). Pour analyser la construction des « perdants », le rapport qui s’établit entre "La propriété et « l’ethno-nation » dans la Roumanie (post)socialiste. Le cas de la communauté juive" nous a semblé un observatoire privilégié. La principale raison tient à l’ingéniosité des méthodes d’expropriation imaginées par les communistes pour la spoliation économique des différentes minorités ethniques ou religieuses et à la diversité des raisons invoquées par les législateurs postcommunistes pour différer la restitution de certaines de ces propriétés. Nous présumons que dans l’histoire de la « propriété juive » nous pourrions également appréhender un processus de construction (post)socialiste d’une « communauté imaginée », homogène, ethno-nationale, d’un « rapport particulier qui existerait entre l’État, la propriété et l’identité nationales » (Verdery 1998 : 298). Après des reconfigurations radicales de la sphère économique et l’étatisation des propriétés (industrielles, immobilières, foncières), l’unique catégorie sociale qui pouvait disposer discrétionnairement de la propriété nationalisée était la nomenklatura communiste. La 3e partie de la thèse, "Métamorphoses (post)socialistes d’un « quartier rouge ». Propriété et élites politiques en Roumanie", retrace l’histoire du quartier de la nomenklatura, situé au nord de Bucarest, de ses habitants d’avant 1989 et de leurs avatars postcommunistes. L’histoire politique du quartier se superpose à l’histoire des élites dirigeantes de la Roumanie et est révélatrice pour les rapports entre les différentes factions formées à l’intérieur du Parti, les épurations, les réhabilitations. Elle représente également un observatoire privilégié pour les rapports que le Parti Communiste Roumain entretient avec Kremlin, ainsi qu’avec d’autres partis communistes. Finalement, l’histoire postcommuniste du même quartier peut fournir une réponse à une question apparemment très simple, à savoir « qu’est-ce qui change après 1989 » ? Par cette étude de cas nous nous proposons de « tester » la thèse du « capitalisme politique », selon laquelle on assisterait après 1989 à une transmutation du capital politique que la nomenklatura communiste détenait en capital économique.

In den größten Städten Russlands werden aktuell Entwicklungstendenzen sichtbar, welche die Frage nach einem Ende der postsozialistischen Transformation aufwerfen. Ein Beispiel für derartige – posttransformative – Entwicklungstendenzen bildet die Planung und Verwirklichung ikonischer Architekturprojekte. Diese sollen vor allem Innovations- und Wettbewerbsfähigkeit symbolisieren. Vor Ort sind sie aber insbesondere dann umstritten, wenn sie die überkommenen städtebaulichen Traditionen in Frage stellen. Besonders gut zeigt sich das beim Ochta-Zentrum, einem Geschäfts- und Kulturzentrum mit 400 m hoher Dominante, das nach dem Willen des Gazprom-Konzerns am Rande der historischen Innenstadt Sankt Petersburgs errichtet werden sollte. In der Hochphase der Diskussion beschäftigte das Projekt nicht nur die Stadtbevölkerung, sondern auch die Führungsriege der Russischen Föderation und die UNESCO. Die Analyse des Diskurses über das Ochta-Zentrum ermöglicht daher ebenso Erkenntnisse über Tendenzen der Stadtentwicklung Sankt Petersburgs wie über Strategien der russischen Innen- und Außenpolitik. / Recent trends in the development of major Russian cities are raising questions about the end of post-socialist transformation. Post-transformative urban trends have become visible in the context of the planning and realization of iconic architectural projects. Their purpose is to symbolize a capacity for innovation and competitiveness. At the local level, however, they are subject to controversial debates, especially when challenging regional traditions of urban planning. The Okhta-Center, a business and cultural center with a skyscraper reaching a height of 400 m, serves as a good example. The Gazprom Group intended to build the complex at the edge of the historical city center of Saint Petersburg. During the height of the debate the project involved not only the citizens of Saint Petersburg, but also the leadership of the Russian Federation and UNESCO. Analyzing the discourse regarding the Okhta-Center therefore allows insights into current trends of urban development in Saint Petersburg as well as strategies of Russian domestic and foreign policies.

Объект исследования - понятие социальная справедливость в условиях недемократического режима (на примере Беларуси), воплощаемое в различных дискурсивных практиках в изменяющемся институциональном контексте в период 2006 – 2010 гг. Концепт социальная справедливость рассматривается как одно из содержательных оснований существующего в стране режима благосостояния. Новизна работы определяется недостаточной разработанностью темы в академических исследованиях как белорусских, так и зарубежных исследователей. Цель работы – исследовать основные (властный и альтернативные) нарративы социальной справедливости в Беларуси. Работа состоит из шести глав. В первой рассматриваются теоретические подходы к понятию социальная справедливость и анализируется понятие постсоциалистическое состояние (Фрэйзер). Во второй представлены использованные в работе методы и материалы исследования. В третьей главе описывается социально-экономический контекст Беларуси в период 2006-2010 гг. В четвертой главе рассмотрена специфика политического поля Беларуси, его разлом на властную и оппозиционную части. В пятой главе в соответствии с выделенными властными субъектами политического поля анализируются их высказывания, составляющие нарратив социальной справедливости, используемый как одно из идейных оснований существующего в стране режима благосостояния. В шестой главе проводится анализ нарративов оппозиционных субъектов: кандидатов в президенты во время двух кампаний (2006, 2010 гг.); третьего сектора, включая... [полный текст, см. далее] / Tyrimo objektas - socialinio teisingumo sąvoka nedemokratinėje valstybėje (Baltarusijos pavyzdys), įgyvendinama įvairiose diskursyvinėse praktikose besikeičiančiame instituciniame kontekste 2006-2010 metais. Sąvoka socialinis teisingumas nagrinėjama kaip vienas iš kertinių šalyje egzistuojančio gerovės režimo pagrindų. Darbo naujumą sąlygoja tai, kad tema nėra išgvildenta nei užsienio, nei baltarusių autorių akademiniuose tyrimuose. Tikslas - ištirti pagrindinius (vyraujantį ir alternatyvų) socialinio teisingumo naratyvus Baltarusijoje, išaiškinti ir dinamikoje palyginti jų turinio dedamąsias, o taip pat išanalizuoti jų įtaką viešosios politikos procesui. Darbas susideda iš 6 dalių. Pirmojoje nagrinėjami teoriniai požiūriai į sąvoką socialinis teisingumas ir analizuojama posocialistinės būklės (Fraser, Furs) samprata, kuri svarbi darbo turinio kontekstui. Antroje dalyje aprašyti darbe naudoti metodai. Trečioji dalis skirta Baltarusijos socialinio ir ekonominio konteksto problematikai. Ketvirtojoje dalyje pateikti Baltarusijos politinio lauko ypatumai, įskaitant jo skilimą į valdžios ir opozicinę dalis. Penktojoje dalyje aptariami valdžios subjektų pasisakymai, formuojantys socialinio teisingumo naratyvą. Šeštojoje dalyje analizuojami opozicinių subjektų naratyvai. Analizė leidžia daryti išvadas, kad reikšminį sąvokos socialinis teisingumas užpildymą Baltarusijoje vykdė valdžia ir jis neturėjo jokių reikšmingų alternatyvų. / The subject of research is the concept of social justice in a non-democratic state (here, Belarus) implemented in different discursive practices and changing institutional context in the period of 2006-2010. The concept of social justice is considered to be one of the conceptual foundations of the welfare regime existing in the country. The novelty of the work is determined by the underdeveloped nature of the topic in the academic research of foreign as well as Belarusian authors. The objective is to research the main (governmental one and alternative ones) narratives of social justice in Belarus. The work is divided into six chapters. The first one examines theoretical approaches to the concept of social justice and analyses the concept of post-socialist condition (Fraser). The second chapter informs of the methods applied in the work. The third one is dedicated to the issues of the socio-economic context of Belarus in the period of 2006-2010. The fourth chapter examines the specifics of the political field of Belarus, its breakup into the governmental and oppositional parts. The fifth one analyses their statements comprising the social-justice narrative used as one of conceptual foundations of the welfare regime existing in the country. The sixth chapter investigates the oppositional narrative. One of the main conclusions of the research is that the concept of social justice in Belarus was determined by the authorities and had no alternatives comparable in importance.

Urban research is aware of being culturally embedded, and inability to break free from history in some cases may explain why the change goes in a particular direction. After more than 70 years of centrally planned community and isolation, present urban structures in Russia stand as arenas for the system transitions. The political and socio-economic changes of the last decades had an impact on urban structures and relations between the different levels of planning. The municipalities are now assumed to be independent in terms of decision-making and local priorities, urban programs and civic engagement procedures. While the degree of success in urban development varies between the different Russian cities, the paper studies the local planning functions as well neighborhood governance and puts the results into the soviet planning context. By using in-depth interviews, the data has been collected providing a knowledgebase of the subject across the study area. The results show both various gaps of transformation (e.g. insufficient legislature, lack of local initiative and federal guidance, marginalized master plan, poor neighborhood governance) and path-dependent system (normativism, unsuccessful civic engagement, lack of communication between different institutions, companies and publics). The discussion argues that at the national scale the issue lies in the uncompleted socio-cultural transformation, which creates a quasi-existent planning system at the local level.

The subject of this thesis is the analysis of tax revenue of the post-socialist countries that are members of the European Union. In the theoretical part there are characterized tax systems of individual states. In the practical part I compare the tax revenues of the post-socialist countries. I analyze the tax quota, the tax mix and budgetary determination of taxes. Furthermore, I compare the tax revenues of the post-socialist member states and 15 original member states of the European Union. I focus on the tax quota, the tax mix and budgetary determination of taxes. From the analyses it is clear that the tax quota of the post-socialist countries is lower than in the older Member States of the European Union. Most of the tax revenue of the post-socialist countries stems from indirect taxation, particularly value added tax.

The main aim of this Master's thesis is to define the relationship between fertility rates and family policy in Central Europe, that experienced steep decline in fertility during the 1990s, and in Northern Europe, known for its stable and relatively high fertility. Using a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, current models of family policy are defined and examples of policy measures that motivate people to start a family are found. The thesis also wants answer the question whether it is possible to implement a successful model of family policy in another region. The research focuses on two groups of countries, which went through similar development over the last decades: Czech Republic, Slovakia, Poland and Hungary that share a similar socialist experience, while Denmark, Norway, Sweden and Finland attempted to find the third way between market economy and strong welfare state. Both regions also had to restructure their economy and reform their welfare states in the beginning of the 1990s. This development influenced today's beliefs about family support, childcare services or flexibility of the labour market, crucial in formulations of national family policy.

The aim of this thesis is to present the situation of the intravenous drug-users (IDUs) living with HIV in Romania, with a focus on Bucharest. The study follows the IDUs experiences from the environment they live in, to the day-to-day examples of structural violence they face. The questions followed regard the lives of the IDUs in Romania, as well as how they are handled by various authorities and institutions’ representatives such as medical staff in hospitals, the national healthcare system, social workers, law enforcement representatives and other public servants. The fieldwork was conducted around Bucharest through the use of observation while volunteering on outreach with an NGO, and interviews in the form of life histories in a hospital, as research methods. The thesis offers a background look at the communist and transition periods that influenced everyday life in today’s Romania. I argue that because of the stigma attached to them for being part of risk groups, the IDUs face many different forms of structural violence. Whether it comes to governmental authorities, law enforcement or medical staff, the IDUs, as well as other vulnerable risk group members, are continuously pushed outside of society through various measures. This creates a continuous state of isolation from which they cannot remove themselves without outsider help.