Le but de la thèse est d'apprécier l'efficacité des programmes de reconstruction destinés à assurer le redressement économique de pays sortant de guerre civile depuis la fin de la Guerre froide. Du point de vue de la méthode, cette efficacité est évaluée à la fois par la pertinence du contenu et de l'organisation de ces programmes aux caractéristiques des économies post-conflictuelles, et par une évaluation de leur performance au vu d'indicateurs de redressement spécifiques à ces contextes. Les causes économiques des conflits et le fonctionnement d'une économie de guerre sont analysés dans la mesure ils conditionnent le passage à une économie de paix (chapitres 1 à 4). Une approche en termes d'économie politique (Stewart, Fitzgerald) recoupant inégalités horizontales et verticales et complétée par celle d'Amartya Sen contribue à rendre compte des spécificités de ce type de contexte que la théorie néoclassique ne permet pas d'appréhender. L'approche en termes de moyens d'existence (Chambers et Conway), de vulnérabilité due au contexte (Collinson) et d'économie institutionnelle donnent un cadre théorique cohérent pour cerner les caractéristiques économiques des sociétés post-conflictuelles (chapitres 5 à 7) et permettent d'identifier des facteurs bloquant ou de ralentissement du processus de redressement économique. L'étude de la configuration des programmes de reconstruction fait apparaître une prolifération d'acteurs aux logiques différentes, peu coordonnés et formant une administration de substitution non alignée dans un État fragile (chapitre 8). Le rapprochement entre programme et caractéristiques observées permet alors de procéder à l'évaluation de l'efficacité des programmes (chapitre 9). L'évaluation quantitative converge vers le constat d'un échec relatif, notamment du fait de leur lenteur (d'où risque de résurgence du conflit). Une modélisation à partir des données disponibles appuie l'identification effectuée de l'importance de certaines variables spécifiques (retour des populations déplacées, institutions, sécurité). L'analyse qualitative des causes de cette inefficacité fait apparaître : - les effets pervers du manque de coordination, analysée ici à la lumière de la théorie des coûts de transaction, de la théorie contingente et de l'analyse marginaliste, notamment sur le marché du travail et les capacités administratives, ce qui permet de mettre à jour le concept de seuil de capacités institutionnelles ; - l'inadaptation dans la conception et la mise en œuvre des programmes aux spécificités observées. Entre la référence mythifiée au Plan Marshall et l'absence d'intervention extérieure qui mènerait à un état de suffocation économique, l'analyse de cette inefficacité relative débouche sur quelques préconisations adaptables selon les contextes. / The effectiveness of reconstruction programs in post-conflict contexts Abstract The thesis aims at assessing the effectiveness of reconstruction programs intended to ensure for the economic recovery of countries emerging from civil war since the end of the Cold War. From the standpoint of the method used, this effectiveness is both evaluated through the relevance of the content and the organization of these programs with regard to the characteristics of the post-conflict economies, and through an assessment of their performances according to recovery indicators which are specific to this context. The economic causes of conflicts and the functioning of a wartime economy are analyzed because they influence the transition to an economy in the context of peace (chapters 1 to 4). An approach in terms of political economy (Stewart, Fitzgerald) comparing both horizontal and vertical inequalities and completed by Amartya Sen's approach contributes to the account of the specific characteristics of this type of context which the neoclassical theory is not enabled to grasp. The approach in terms of sustainable livelihoods (Chambers and Conways), of the vulnerability due to the context and of the institutional economy, provides a coherent theoretical framework in order to identify the economic features of post-conflict societies (chapters 5 to 7) and enables for the identification of the factors which block or slow down the process of economic recovery. The study of the configuration of reconstruction programs reveals the multiplication of actors which have different approaches, a lack of coordination in their work, and the formation of a substitute administration non-aligned to the fragile state (chapter 8). Closer ties between the programs and the observed characteristics enable for the evaluation of their effectiveness (chapter 9). The quantitative evaluation arrives at the conclusion that these programs are relative failures, especially due to their sluggishness. From the data available, the significance of some specific variables is observed (the return of populations, institutions, security). The qualitative analysis of the causes of this ineffectiveness reveals: Perverse effects due to the lack of coordination, analyzed through the transaction costs theory, the contingence theory, and the marginalist theory, more particularly in the labor markets, the administrative capacity, reveals a threshold of institutional capacities; Poor adaptation in the design and the implementation of the programs to the observed characteristics. Between the references towards the Marshall Plan and the absence of any exterior intervention, the analysis of this ineffectiveness concludes that some requirements should be adapted for each context.

The master thesis deals with the role of NGOs in post-conflict reconstruction, the case study is applied to the post-war Bosnia and Herzegovina. The post-conflict reconstruction goes on since the end of the civil war in 1995 there. The aim of this work is to evaluate the fulfillment of the four pillars of the post-conflict reconstruction in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The first chapter follows the theory of peacekeeping operations and theoretical classification of the post-conflict reconstruction. In the second chapter, there is an application of the Dayton Peace Agreement on the four pillars of the post-conflict reconstruction. The third chapter deals with activities of NGOs in Bosnia and Herzegovina and presents some major projects and the overall assessment of their impact. For the methodology was chosen qualitative and quantitative evaluation and analysis and synthesis of data.

This essay deals with analysis of the phenomenon of EU's police missions as an integral part of civilian crisis management within European Security and Defense Policy. It outlined the development and evaluation of EU's operational civilian capabilities. The focus of the work is an analysis and comparison of selected police missions in terms of conditions that the EU can not influence to such an extent and that still deeply affect the course of implementation of the mission. The study also deals with the evaluation of concrete operations in terms of successful fulfillment of their mandates. Our research question relates to the external conditions of a total of five realized EU's police missions. Our presumption is the claim that socio-economic context of a country deeply influence the course of EU's action and therefore has an impact on the fulfillment of the mandate of police missions. Considerations to what extent is EU itself responsible for the success or failure of each mission and how external factors affect the mission objectives led us to the choice of topic.

No description available.

This thesis attempts to reconcile the ‘two Rwandas’ which dominate contemporary scholarship, and seem on first glance utterly incommensurable: the inspirational developmental donor darling, and the brutal police state ruled by a shadowy ethnic clique. It argues both sides capture something, but fail to give a fair assessment of the mercurial system of political order constructed by the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF) following the Genocide of 1994. This system is a durably strong state with exceptionally high levels of societal penetration capable of delivering order and other public goods, with a ruling party in a hegemonic position with a degree of medium-term stability, despite (and because of) its illiberal repressive character. Such a system is only possible because of the extremely unusual sociology of the RPF itself, forged in the refugee camps of Uganda and the Ugandan Bush War, and the structural constraints on rule within Rwanda. With these resources, the RPF has successfully made the transition from guerilla movement to hegemonic civilian political party, created bureaucratic institutions of government which penetrate to the lowest level, and hugely profitable ‘party-statals’ which co-exist alongside functioning competitive markets. Such successes are not disconnected from the violence, repression, and extra-judicial coercion which remain crucial to the regime. Analyses which think the positive aspects of Rwanda’s current ‘miracle’ can be mimicked without the accompanying domination and autocracy are engaging in wishful thinking. Crucially, given how distinctive the enabling conditions for Rwanda’s current political dispensation are, the extent to which Rwanda can be a policy exemplar or ‘best-practice’ for other African states to follow is in any case seriously overstated.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / Psychological operations (PSYOP) forces should undertake significant doctrinal, training, and operational reforms to ensure the viability of support provided to U.S. led stabilization and reconstruction efforts. Such operations involve increased civilmilitary interactions and necessitate effective cross-cultural communications with not only the indigenous populace, but a host of transnational actors as well. Today's PSYOP training is reflective of a persisting "Cold War mentality" that fails to adequately prepare soldiers for effective post-conflict situations such as the reunification of the Korean peninsula, whether brought about either through a renewal of combat operations or the result of diplomatic means. Meanwhile, North Korea's formidable and adept propaganda machine has persisted in isolating its populace from external influences for more than a halfcentury. Post-Korean War generation North Koreans have been successfully indoctrinated since birth to despise the United States. Furthermore, anti-U.S. sentiment has been on the rise in South Korea for a number of years. Under the current training model, contemporary psychological operations forces are ill-prepared to conduct effective operations in an environment involving two-way, face-to-face communications such as those required while stabilizing and reconstructing a nation. The case of Korean reunification serves as an extreme scenario that nevertheless depicts the drastic need for improvements in the capabilities of modern PSYOP forces. / Captain, United States Army

The difficulty of transforming war economies into peace economies has become increasingly problematic in the search for long-term peace and stability in Africa. In many African countries such as Sierra Leone, Angola and the Democratic Republic of Congo, conflict actors have created distinct war economies in order to maintain the conflict in these countries. The enduring nature of the war economies presents a unique challenge to actors involved in ensuring that peace returns to a country by applying a peacebuilding strategy. The economic environment during a conflict has a vast influence on a post-conflict economy and a post-conflict reconstruction strategy. Although post-war rebuilding occurred during the reconstruction of Europe and Japan after the Second World War, the terms "post-conflict peacebuilding" and "post-conflict reconstruction" have only came to prominence during the mid-1990s. Using the case study of Sierra Leone, this study explores the challenge of war economies and its impact on post-conflict reconstruction. Sierra Leone presents an appealing case study as the country experienced a very profitable war economy during the armed conflict in the country between 1991 and 2002, and continues to struggle to transform this war economy into a peace economy. The case study of Sierra Leone is well researched, however, most studies focus on the conflict period, and only briefly look at the post-conflict period. In addition, discussions of post-conflict reconstruction in Sierra Leone have failed to adequately address the challenges presented by the war economy. This study uses existing analyses about the war economy in Sierra Leone, and links these to the current post-conflict reconstruction strategy, focusing specifically on the economic dimension. Therefore, this study represents a departure from traditional approaches to exploring war economies because it considers the direct impact these economic systems have on the process of post-conflict reconstruction. / Dissertation (MA)--University of Pretoria, 2010. / Political Sciences / unrestricted

A subject of this diploma thesis is a role of private military companies (PMCs) in security sector reform (SSR) in Iraq in a period from 2003 to 2011. The first chapter of the thesis focuses on goals and process of post-conflict SSR from a theoretical point of view because of an involvement of PMCs in post-conflict reconstruction which was taking place in Iraq. Part of the theoretical chapter is a SSR and steps which is the SSR process composed of. The second chapter concentrates on definitions and typologies of PMCs. This part of the thesis makes a distinction between mercenaries and private military contractors and PMCs themselves. Last but not least the second chapter encompasses discussion about a role of PMCs in a process of SSR in post-conflict countries. The third chapter is dedicated to a historical development of cooperation between PMCs and the US; it analyses roots of the US dependence on services provided by PMCs. A case study of Iraq elaborates on a role of PMCs in a process of Iraqi security reform. Aim of this chapter is to define advantages and disadvantages of usage of services provided by PMCs. By taking into account disadvantages employment of PMCs represents, steps that could help to avoid those in the future are suggested.

This thesis is an ethnographic account of social change, triggered by the civil war in Nepal (1996-2006). Based on an ethnographic fieldwork in the village of Thabang, the war-time capital of the Maoist base area, this thesis explores the transformative impact of the conflict on people’s everyday lives and on the constitution of key hierarchies structuring Nepali society. Rather than focusing on violence and fear – the commonly researched themes in warzones – the thesis examines people’s everyday social and embodied practices during the war and its aftermath, arguing that these remain central to our understanding of war-time social processes and the ways in which they shape the contours of post-conflict society. By focusing on mundane practices – such as meat-eating and alcohol-drinking, raising livestock and worshipping gods – the thesis demonstrates how change at the micro-level is illustrative of a profound transformation in the social structures constituting Nepali society. Theoretically, the thesis seeks to understand how the situation of war re-orders society: in this case, how people in the Maoist base area interiorized formerly transgressive norms and practices, and how these practices were normalized in the post-conflict environment. The research revealed that much of the change triggered by the conflict came as a result of the ‘exceptional’ times of war and the necessity to follow ‘rules that apply in times of crisis’. Thus, in adopting transgressive practices during the conflict, people were responding to the expediency of war-time rather than following Maoist war-time policies or ‘propaganda’. Furthermore, while adopting hitherto unimaginable practices and making them into habitual action, people transformed the rigid social structures, without necessarily intending to do so. The thesis puts particular stress on the centrality of unintended consequences in social change, the power of embodied practice in making change real, and the ways in which agency and structure are mutually constitutive.

La coordination en matière de reconstruction post-conflit vise à associer les activités entreprises dans les domaines de la sécurité internationale, de l'aide humanitaire et du développement, traditionnellement confiés à des organisations internationales distinctes et même à différents organes au sein des organisations à compétences intersectorielles, comme l'ONU. Ces activités se voient marquées par des interdépendances ainsi que par des chevauchements et des enchevêtrements découlant de l'extension des compétences des organisations, elle-même fondée sur les interdépendances entre les domaines d'action. Cette extension des compétences est déterminée dans le cadre interne de chaque organisation, sans tenir compte sur le plan juridique des compétences des autres organisations. C'est la raison pour laquelle la coordination ne peut être atteinte au moyen d'une répartition des compétences susceptible de garantir l'absence de chevauchements (coordination négative). En pratique, cette idée cède devant une coordination fondée sur la coopération, visant à faciliter l'exercice conjoint des compétences en matière de reconstruction (coordination positive). Cet exercice conjoint se déploie dans un cadre juridique marqué par l'autonomie des organisations, défendue à des degrés variables aussi bien par les organisations que par leurs États membres. Les méthodes de coordination doivent alors se révéler souples afin de s'adapter aussi bien aux facteurs variables de chaque contexte d'action qu'au cadre général dans lequel s'établissent les relations entre les organisations, constat qui explique le rôle du droit mou en matière de coordination. / Coordination in post-conflict reconstruction seeks to bring together international security, humanitarian aid an development aid. These fields of activity have been traditionally assigned to different international organizations and even within organizations with cross-sectorial competence as the UN, to different bodies. However, the interlink between these activities have resulted in an extension of the field of competence of each organization, which has reinforced the interdependence, overlap and duplication of their activities. In this regard, the scope of activity is circumscribed within the institutional framework of each organization, without granting legal implications to the field of competence of other organizations. Therefore, coordination cannot be achieved through a division of competence aiming at eliminating the overlaps and duplications (negative coordination). In practice, coordination in post-conflict reconstruction seeks to establish cooperation mechanisms in order to enable a joint exercise of competences by the organizations and their bodies (positive coordination). This exercise takes place within the context of the autonomy of international organizations, which is protected at varying degrees by both the organizations and their member state. Thus, methods of coordination must be flexible enough not only to allow for tailored and context-specific responses but also to be in line with the general framework guiding the relationships among organizations, which explains the value of soft law in the process of coordination.