Este trabalho tem por objeto de estudo um fenômeno do português do Brasil mais comumente encontrado em textos formais. Trata-se do pronome fraco se precedendo verbos infinitivos. Esse item compete com zero na indeterminação do sujeito em orações encaixadas, mais precisamente em orações completivas de nome e adjetivo, temporais e finais. Propõe-se descrever os fatores condicionadores da inserção do se em sentenças nãofinitas do português brasileiro e promover um análise da questão à luz da teoria gerativa no seu modelo de Princípios e Parâmetros (Chomsky 1981, 1986a). Tomou-se como corpus textos formais de alunos da pós-graduação de diversas áreas do conhecimento da Universidade de São Paulo, hipotetizando que o teor científico do texto proporcionaria a estratégia de indeterminação por nós analisada. Em seguida, foram elaborados testes de produção junto aos alunos da graduação dessa mesma universidade a fim de verificar se as respostas produzidas por eles corroborariam os resultados encontrados nas dissertações e teses. Dentre os fatores mais relevantes para justificar a inserção de se nas construções com verbos infinitivos, destacou-se a preposição. Para a análise interpretativa desse achado, seguimos a proposta de Mioto & Kato (2002). / This dissertation aims at studying a Brazilian Portuguese phenomenon commonly found in formal texts. It is the se insertion as subject of infinitive clauses. This particle competes with the null category in the subject indetermination in embedded clauses, more precisely in the complement of noun and adjective clauses and clauses of time and finality. It is intended to describe the conditioning factors of the se insertion in non-finite sentences from Brazilian Portuguese and promote an analysis of the matter having the Generative Theory in its model of Principles and Parameters (Chomsky 1981, 1986a) as a reference. At first, it was used as corpus formal texts by graduate students from different areas of knowledge from Universidade de São Paulo, hypothesizing that the text scientific wording would allow the strategy of the indetermination analyzed in this dissertation. Secondly, production tests were elaborated with undergraduate students from the same university in order to verify if the answers produced by them would confirm the results found in the dissertations and theses. Among the most relevant factors to justify the se insertion in the constructions with infinitive verbs, the preposition stood up. For the interpretative analysis, we followed Mioto & Kato (2002) proposal.

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<p>This study examines to what extent preposition stranding is used in connection with which, whom and who in three different UK papers. Also what factors influence the use of preposition stranding has been studied. The hypothesis that pied-piping is more common than preposition stranding has been confirmed.</p><p>A factor that has a certain influence on the use of preposition stranding is the style of the paper. The more formal of the papers studied, The Times, did not use preposition stranding to the same extent as the other two, The Sun and Today.</p><p>The subject domain of the texts has influence on the use of preposition stranding, with more informal domains such as sports and miscellaneous (e.g. gossip) using stranding to a higher extent than the other domains, e.g. business, politics and culture. The prepositions themselves also influence the use of preposition stranding with some prepositions, such as on, with, for and into, that are likely to appear stranded and others, such as in that are likely to appear pied-piped.</p>

Argument marking prepositions in German are part of more complex structures referred to here as verb-preposition combinations (verb-PPs), e.g. warten auf ('to wait for') and pochen auf ('to insist on'). The preposition auf ('on') attaches to a wide range of verbs to form such combinations in which auf encodes different semantic relations that elude concrete description. Nevertheless, previous research in valency theory and related approaches could identify patterns in the distribution of verb-PP[subscript 'auf'] combinations (Eroms 1981, 1991, Lerot 1982, Bouillon 1984, Domínguez Vázquez 2005), based on perceived similarities in the meaning of the governing verbs. Cognitive linguistics provides insights into seemingly opaque senses of prepositions by analyzing them as motivated by metaphorical meaning extension (Brugman 1988, Lakoff 1987, Meex 2001, Liamkina 2007). Finally, generative approaches scrutinize the semantic relationships between verbs and their PP-arguments and systematize them under the concept of semantic roles (Fillmore 1968, Rauh 1993). However, none of these approaches can fully account for the distribution of verb-PPauf combinations in German. This dissertation proposes a novel approach towards identifying and analyzing the distributional patterns of verb-PP[subscript 'auf'] combinations by applying insights from Frame Semantics (Fillmore 1982, 1985) and Construction Grammar (Goldberg 1995, 2006). Goldberg's theory of argument structure constructions already served as a model for analyzing auf as a partially schematic argument structure construction encoding the meaning 'future orientation/future event' (Rostila 2007). Based on a large amount of corpus data, I show that such generalizing accounts are better arrived at by employing a usage-based bottom-up approach to verb-PP[subscript 'auf'] combinations. I argue that the detailed semantic and syntactic information provided by the lexical database FrameNet for each lexical unit can be used to identify distributional patterns and to describe them in detail. Furthermore, I argue that integrating the verb-PP[subscript 'auf'] combinations and the frames they evoke into a hierarchical lexical-constructional network allows us to discover substantiated generalizations about these combinations while at the same time preserving the description of their idiosyncratic features. / text

O objetivo desta dissertação é comparar o uso ou a omissão de preposições e artigos nas orações relativas de estudantes brasileiros de ELE e nativos de E. O estudo buscou verificar se os estudantes brasileiros de ELE utilizam o relativo acompanhado de preposição e artigo, quando o usam e como o fazem; quais contextos favorecem a elipse de preposição + artigo; se o comportamento sintático entre os estudantes brasileiros e os nativos se assemelha e quais as possibilidades para essas semelhanças / diferenças. Para tanto, analisamos um corpus recolhido de testes escritos de reformulação de orações de três grupos de estudantes brasileiros adultos de ELE e o comparamos às produções de reformulações de um grupo de nativos de E argentinos. De acordo com nossas hipóteses iniciais e bibliografia consultada, as orações cortadoras seriam as mais produzidas pelos estudantes, mas de acordo com nossos dados, essa não foi a opção mais usada, e sim a opção sem o artigo com preposição. Pensamos que isso se deve ao caráter mais formal (escrito) dos testes. Concluímos que os brasileiros, em sua língua nativa, não usariam tal estrutura, mas quando têm que lidar com o E, preferem cortar o artigo em vez de produzir uma estrutura que seja mais comum em PB como a cortadora. Em contrapartida, os nativos usaram com mais frequência as orações padrão, que quase não apareceram nos resultados dos estudantes brasileiros. Ou seja, o comportamento sintático dos estudantes brasileiros e dos nativos foram evidentemente diferentes. Os estudantes brasileiros nem sempre preferiram o uso de relativas com quien para antecedente [+animado], como predizem as gramáticas. Aliás, o uso das duas orações padrão (prep. + quien e prep.+ art. + que) foi bastante equilibrado. Os nativos de E, para o mesmo tipo de antecedente, usaram a oração padrão com o relativo que com maior frequência. Quando a oração relativa apresentou caráter causal, os informantes brasileiros e nativos foram levados a expressar essa relação causal e evitaram a oração relativa. / The objective of this dissertation is to compare the use or omission of prepositions in relative clauses and articles of Brazilian students of ELE and native E speakers. The study aimed at verifing whether the Brazilian students use prepositions, accompanied by the relative pronoun and articles, when they use and how they do that; contexts which favor the ellipse \"preposition + article\"; if the syntactic behavior among Brazilian students matches the native speakers and the possibilities for these similarities / differences. To this end, we collected a corpus reformulation\'s sentences of written tests of three groups of Brazilian adult students of ELE and compared to the production of reformulations of a group of Argentinian E. native speakers. According to our initial hypotheses and consulted literature, students produce more often pp-chopping sentences, but according to our data, this was not the preferred option, but the one without article and with preposition. We think this is due to the more formal nature of the (written) tests. We concluded that Brazilian students in their native language would not use such a structure, but when they have to deal with E, they prefer to cut the article instead of producing a structure that is more common in PB - like the pp-chopping. In contrast, the native speakers used standard sentences more often, which hardly ever appeared in the results of Brazilian students. That is, the syntactic behavior of Brazilian students and native speakers were evidently different. Brazilian students do not always preferred the use of relative pronoun using \"quien\" for the antecedent [+ animate], as grammatically expected. In fact, the use of two standard sentences (\"prep. + quien\" and \"prep. + art. + que) was fairly balanced. The native speakers of E, for the same type antecedent, used the standard sentence with the relative \"que\" with more frequency. When the relative clause introduced causal character, Brazilians and native speaker informants were led to express this causal relationship and avoided the relative clause.

Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-10-06T18:25:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 giseladelimaalmeidamarques.pdf: 344637 bytes, checksum: 6e38d023cd2fbba7bbe3bcf9da8a3655 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-10-07T12:16:44Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 giseladelimaalmeidamarques.pdf: 344637 bytes, checksum: 6e38d023cd2fbba7bbe3bcf9da8a3655 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-07T12:16:44Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 giseladelimaalmeidamarques.pdf: 344637 bytes, checksum: 6e38d023cd2fbba7bbe3bcf9da8a3655 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-09-21 / O objeto desta pesquisa é a análise de sentenças do Português do Brasil (PB) que contêm o verbo de movimento chegar. Encontramos, na escrita e na oralidade, construções com o verbo chegar lexical, que pode funcionar como um verbo pleno, ou ainda que pode funcionar, em processo de gramaticalização, como verbo quaseauxiliar . Ao analisarmos o verbo como lexical, observamos que ele pode ser monovalente ou bivalente. Sempre apresenta um sujeito e, como complemento, seleciona, na maioria dos casos, um locativo. Pode selecionar ainda o complemento indireto, ou seja, quando o argumento indica que um determinado ponto foi atingido. Este argumento denota, normalmente, um preço, uma posição/colocação e uma porcentagem. Em processo de gramaticalização, o verbo chegar passou no teste de verbos auxiliares, contudo, como não é esvaziado de sentido nas perífrases verbais CHEGAR A + INFINITIVO, consideramos um quase/semi-auxiliar, de acordo com a proposta por Travaglia (2003). / The object of this research is the analysis of sentences from the Brazilian Portuguese (BP) that contains the verb of movement chegar. It´s found – in the writing and speaking – constructions with the lexical verb chegar, that can work as a complete verb, or it can work, in process of grammaticalization, as a quase-auxiliar verb. When the verb is analyzed as lexical, it can be monovalent or bivalent. There is always a subject and, as a complement, select, most of times, a locative. It can still select the indirect complement, i.e., when the argument indicates that a specific point was reached. This argument indicates, normally, a price, a position/collocation and a percentage. In process of grammaticalization, the verb CHEGAR has been approved in the test of auxiliary verbs, however, as it´s not emptied of sense in the verbal periphrasis CHEGAR A + INFINITIVE, we consider a quase/semi-auxiliar, according to a proposal for Travaglia (2003).

This study examines to what extent preposition stranding is used in connection with which, whom and who in three different UK papers. Also what factors influence the use of preposition stranding has been studied. The hypothesis that pied-piping is more common than preposition stranding has been confirmed. A factor that has a certain influence on the use of preposition stranding is the style of the paper. The more formal of the papers studied, The Times, did not use preposition stranding to the same extent as the other two, The Sun and Today. The subject domain of the texts has influence on the use of preposition stranding, with more informal domains such as sports and miscellaneous (e.g. gossip) using stranding to a higher extent than the other domains, e.g. business, politics and culture. The prepositions themselves also influence the use of preposition stranding with some prepositions, such as on, with, for and into, that are likely to appear stranded and others, such as in that are likely to appear pied-piped.

Word Sense Disambiguation (WSD) continues to be an open research problem in spite of recent advances in the NLP field, especially in machine learning. WSD for open-class words is well understood. However, WSD for closed class structural words (such as prepositions) is not so well resolved, and their role in frame semantics seems to be a relatively unknown area. This research uses a new method to disambiguate preposition senses by using a combined lookup from FrameNet and TPP databases. Motivated by recent work by Popescu, Tonelli, & Pianta (2007), it extends the concept to provide a deterministic WSD of prepositions using the lexical information drawn from the sentences in a local context. While the primary goal of the research is to disambiguate preposition sense, the approach also assigns frames and roles to different sentence elements. The use of prepositions for frame and role assignment seems to be a largely unexplored area which could provide a new dimension to research in lexical semantics.

This dissertation proposes a uniqueness-based theory of definiteness that accounts for the semantics and the pragmatics of German (non-) contracted forms of a preposition and the definite determiner (e.g. ‘zum / zu dem’, ‘am / an dem’), but the analysis also carries over to definite descriptions in general. I propose that the definite determiner is ambiguous between a referential and a quantificational reading. Crucially, referential DDs exploit information provided in the surrounding linguistic context, while the interpretation of quantificational DDs heavily relies on extra-linguistic world knowledge that can be represented by an implicit free individual variable and an implicit free relation variable. Non-contracted forms are always interpreted referentially, whereas contracted forms receive quantificational interpretations. This proposal has a wide range of applications: It deals with anaphoric and demonstrative DDs, as well as with typical ‘uniqueness uses’ (such as ‘the moon’ or ‘the sun’), covarying DDs involving explicit and implicit antecedents, bridging definites, and, last but not least, so-called Weak Definites.

No description available.