L’étude des prépositions représente un des thèmes fondamentaux de la linguistique cognitive. L’objectif de cette étude est de montrer en quoi la préposition contribue à l’émergence de la signification de l’énoncé en langue créole martiniquaise spécifiquement. La préposition est au centre de la relation " Figure-Ground". C’est à partir de cette relation fonctionnelle que nous pourrons définir les liens conceptuels que la préposition établit entre les unités linguistiques qu’elle unit. Aussi voulons-nous mettre en évidence la subtilité de la substance notionnelle de ces morphèmes. Cette substance notionnelle se nourrit des effets de sens que ces morphèmes polysémiques peuvent avoir grâce à leur déformabilité. Décrire les usages d’une préposition demande d’en décrire la distribution. C’est donc à partir de données relevant de la distribution des prépositions que nous proposerons une analyse cognitive de ces dernières. Notre approche n’est pas comparative. Toutefois, nous ne pourrons pas ignorer la relation de diglossie entre le créole martiniquais et le français. Nous montrerons, par endroits, en quoi une langue dite minorée et une langue dite haute sur le plan sociolinguistique peuvent s’affecter mutuellement par des emprunts de conceptualisation. Les prépositions sont des morphèmes qui témoignent de la dynamique de la langue créole martiniquaise. Il nous suffit d’observer les usages des doublets asou-anlè (sur), ba-pou (pour), épi-ek (avec), et des allomorphes an, nan, adan, anndan, andidan, dan (dans) pour le comprendre. « C’est (donc) en relation avec notre connaissance du monde » (VANDELOISE 1986 :241), que nous procéderons à l’analyse cognitive des prépositions du créole martiniquais. Les prépositions nous invitent à considérer des phénomènes tels que l’aphérèse, la déflexivité, la sérialisation verbale, la préfixation, l’iconicité diagrammatique, l’indexicalité. Nous montrerons en quoi épi (avec), morphème encodant le concept d’association, est porteur d’un trait archisémique, le comitatif. / The study of prepositions represents one of the fundamental topics of cognitive linguistics. The aim of this dissertation is to show to what extent a preposition can contribute to the emergence of the significance of utterances in the Martinican creole language, the language under study. The preposition is central to the relation « Figure-Ground ». It is from this functional relation that we can define the conceptual links that the preposition establishes between the linguistic units that it binds together. We thus want to highlight the subtilety of the notional substance of these morphemes. This notional substance feeds on the pragmatic meanings that these polysemous morphemes can have owing to their deformability. In order to describe the uses of a preposition, we must first establish its distribution. We will, therefore, use data containing tokens of prepositions in order to propose a cognitive analysis of these latter. We will not use a comparative approach. However, we cannot ignore the diglossic relation between Martinican Creole and French. We will have occasion to show how, from a sociolinguistic point of view, a language considered as the « low » variety (basilect), and a language considered as the « high » variety (acrolect), can affect each other conceptually. Prepositions are morphemes which illustrate the dynamics of Martinican Creole. It suffices to observe the uses of the doublets asou-anlè (on), ba-pou (for), épi-ek (with), and the allomorphs an, ann, nan, adan, andidan, anndan, dan (in) in order to understand this. It is, then, « in relation to our knowledge of the world » (VANDELOISE 1986:241) that we will propose a cognitive analysis of prepositions in Martinican Creole. Prepositions invite us to consider such phenomena as apheresis, deflexivity, stranded preposition, verbal serialisation, prefixation, diagrammatic iconicity and indexicality. We will show how épi (with), a morpheme encoding the concept of association, includes an archisemic feature, the comitative.

This thesis investigates and documents the existence of preposition stranding in a dialect of Canadian French. The French spoken in the small Franco-Ontarian town of Lafontaine (LFF) allows prepositions to be stranded (i.e. without a following overt complement) in various scenarios. Taking bona fide P-stranding to be derivable only via leftward movement of prepositional complements, I show that LFF has true P-stranding equivalent to that observed in English. I argue that although LFF parallels Standard French in having orphan prepositions–where this phenomenon is best analyzed as non-movement derived P-stranding with the gap following the preposition being the instantiation of a null pronoun (Authier 2016; Zribi-Hertz 1984)–it is incontrovertible that P-stranding takes place under syntactic movement in LFF (e.g. wh-movement). Following Abels (2003b, 2012), I assume that prepositions constitute phase heads and their complements cannot be extracted without violating the principle of anti-locality. My central argument in this thesis is that in order to void violations of anti-locality, PPs in P-stranding languages must contain an extra layer of structure between prepositions and their complements in order to allow extraction. Evidence for this extra layer of structure is found in LFF in the form of the invariant morpheme de-nwhich appears on the prepositions dans, sur and sous when these are used in stranding constructions (e.g. dedans). Again, following Abels (2012), I label the de- element that appears on these prepositions under stranding as a ‘DR-morpheme’; this morpheme constitutes the head of a DRP which intervenes between prepositions and their complements, allowing extraction. I further show that evidence for the existence of bona fide P-stranding in LFF comes in the form of the ability to strand prepositions under ellipsis in this dialect. LFF, like English, allows prepositions to be stranded in swiping constructions, where swiping is a sub form of sluicing wherein a prepositions and its wh-complement surface in inverse order (e.g. `who from’/qui de) as the sole remnants of ellipsis. Given the existence of swiping in LFF, I discuss certain ramifications this has for current theories of sluicing and swiping, ultimately arguing that swiping in LFF is best analyzed as being derived via deleting prosodically redundant material between a wh-phrase which has moved to the left periphery, and its selecting preposition which has been left stranded in its base position.

[pt] Esta dissertação aborda um fenômeno pouco estudado no Português Brasileiro (PB): o sluicing, fenômeno no qual o sintagma de tempo (TP) de uma estrutura encabeçada por um elemento –QU é elidido, deixando explícito apenas o elemento –QU. Merchant (2001) argumenta que o sluicing envolve movimento –QU e apagamento do TP, e que disso segue a generalização, segundo a qual uma língua permitirá encalhamento de preposição no sluicing se o permite em sentenças simples. Almeida & Yoshida (2007) argumentam que o PB falseia essa generalização por permitir encalhamento de preposição em sluicing, mas não em sentenças simples. Rodrigues et al. (2009), todavia, propõe que existem duas raízes para o sluicing no PB: sluicing regular e pseudosluicing, sendo que o encalhamento de preposição ocorreria apenas nessas estruturas. A presente dissertação investiga a proposta de Rodrigues et al. (2009), por meio de experimento de juízo de gramaticalidade e metodologia experimental, para verificar relações entre apagamento de preposição e tipo de estrutura. Os resultados corroboram a proposta de Rodrigues et al. (2009), e apontam para uma restrição de identidade de ordem semântica entre o constituinte elidido e seu antecedente. Nossa conclusão sugere que: os dados PB não falseiam a generalização de Merchant; identidade semântica é suficiente para licenciar processos de elisão. Esse fenômeno é investigado à luz de uma proposta de integração entre a teoria linguística de vertente gerativista e a psicolinguística, proposta que tem caracterizado as pesquisas desenvolvidas no Laboratório de Psicolinguística e Aquisição da Linguagem (LAPAL) da PUC-Rio. / [en] This dissertation discusses an understudied phenomenon in Brazilian Portuguese (BP): sluicing, a phenomenon in which the tense phrase (TP) of a structure headed by an interrogative pronoun (-QU) is elided, leaving only the explicit -QU. Merchant (2001) argues that sluicing involves –wh movement and deletion in the phonological form of TP, and proposes the following generalization: a language L will allow preposition stranding in sentences with sluicing iff L allows this stranding in simple sentences. Almeida and Yoshida (2007) argue that the Brazilian Portuguese distorts this generalization as it allows preposition stranding in sluicing, but not in simple sentences. In contrast, Rodrigues et al. (2009) proposes that there are two processes of sluicing in Brazilian Portuguese: regular sluicing and pseudosluicing, with preposition stranding occurring only in these structures. This dissertation investigates the proposal of Rodrigues et al. (2009), leading a grammaticality judgment experiment and using experimental methodology in order to verify deletion relations between preposition and type of structure. The results support the proposal of Rodrigues et al. (2009), and point to a semantic identity between the elided constituent and its antecedent. Our findings suggest that: the Brazilian Portuguese data does not distort Merchant s generalization; and, semantic identity is sufficient for licensing elision processes. This phenomenon is investigated in light of an integrated proposal between generative linguistic theory and psycholinguistics, a proposal that has characterized the research being developed at the Laboratory of Psycholinguistics and Language Acquisition (LAPAL) at PUC-Rio.

La thèse "Corpus aligné bilingue français - russe : le cas de par" présente une étude descriptive des emplois abstraits de la préposition par en français et de ses équivalents russes dans le cadre de la linguistique de corpus (J. Sinclair). L’exploration des exemples authentiques du corpus bilingue aligné constitué par nos soins, ainsi que des corpus existants permet, pour le français, d’esquisser des critères de distinction plus nette entre les sens "de cause à effet", "de fin à moyen", "de support à manière" de par, et, pour la perspective comparative, de construire un continuum de ses équivalents russes : cas morphologiques, prépositions, prépositions complexes, transformations sémantico - syntaxiques touchant à l’intégrité de la phrase. Compte tenu des particularités des prépositions en tant que catégorie lexico - grammaticale, on fait aussi appel aux instruments descriptifs élaborés dans le cadre de l’approche énonciative (J. J. Franckel, D. Paillard) : identité de la préposition, sa définition à l’aide du schéma X R (préposition) Y, distinction entre les prépositions de zonage et de discernement. / The thesis "Aligned bilingual French - Russian corpus : the case of par" presents a study describing several abstract meanings of the preposition par in French and of its Russian equivalents in the framework of Corpus Linguistics (J. Sinclair). Exploring authentic examples from our aligned bilingual corpus as well as from existing corpora allows us to propose criteria for distinguishing more clearly between "cause to effect", "aim to means", "support to manner" meanings of par in French, and to reveal a continuum of its equivalents in Russian language : morphologic cases, prepositions, complex prepositions, semantic and syntax transformations of the whole sentence. Taking into account particularities of prepositions as lexico -grammatical category, we also refer to descriptive tools proposed in the framework of enunciative linguistics (J. J. Franckel, D. Paillard) : identity of a preposition, its definition by the scheme X R (preposition) Y, distinction between the prepositions of zoning and of differentiation.

Este trabalho tem por objeto de estudo um fenômeno do português do Brasil mais comumente encontrado em textos formais. Trata-se do pronome fraco se precedendo verbos infinitivos. Esse item compete com zero na indeterminação do sujeito em orações encaixadas, mais precisamente em orações completivas de nome e adjetivo, temporais e finais. Propõe-se descrever os fatores condicionadores da inserção do se em sentenças nãofinitas do português brasileiro e promover um análise da questão à luz da teoria gerativa no seu modelo de Princípios e Parâmetros (Chomsky 1981, 1986a). Tomou-se como corpus textos formais de alunos da pós-graduação de diversas áreas do conhecimento da Universidade de São Paulo, hipotetizando que o teor científico do texto proporcionaria a estratégia de indeterminação por nós analisada. Em seguida, foram elaborados testes de produção junto aos alunos da graduação dessa mesma universidade a fim de verificar se as respostas produzidas por eles corroborariam os resultados encontrados nas dissertações e teses. Dentre os fatores mais relevantes para justificar a inserção de se nas construções com verbos infinitivos, destacou-se a preposição. Para a análise interpretativa desse achado, seguimos a proposta de Mioto & Kato (2002). / This dissertation aims at studying a Brazilian Portuguese phenomenon commonly found in formal texts. It is the se insertion as subject of infinitive clauses. This particle competes with the null category in the subject indetermination in embedded clauses, more precisely in the complement of noun and adjective clauses and clauses of time and finality. It is intended to describe the conditioning factors of the se insertion in non-finite sentences from Brazilian Portuguese and promote an analysis of the matter having the Generative Theory in its model of Principles and Parameters (Chomsky 1981, 1986a) as a reference. At first, it was used as corpus formal texts by graduate students from different areas of knowledge from Universidade de São Paulo, hypothesizing that the text scientific wording would allow the strategy of the indetermination analyzed in this dissertation. Secondly, production tests were elaborated with undergraduate students from the same university in order to verify if the answers produced by them would confirm the results found in the dissertations and theses. Among the most relevant factors to justify the se insertion in the constructions with infinitive verbs, the preposition stood up. For the interpretative analysis, we followed Mioto & Kato (2002) proposal.

O objetivo desta dissertação é comparar o uso ou a omissão de preposições e artigos nas orações relativas de estudantes brasileiros de ELE e nativos de E. O estudo buscou verificar se os estudantes brasileiros de ELE utilizam o relativo acompanhado de preposição e artigo, quando o usam e como o fazem; quais contextos favorecem a elipse de preposição + artigo; se o comportamento sintático entre os estudantes brasileiros e os nativos se assemelha e quais as possibilidades para essas semelhanças / diferenças. Para tanto, analisamos um corpus recolhido de testes escritos de reformulação de orações de três grupos de estudantes brasileiros adultos de ELE e o comparamos às produções de reformulações de um grupo de nativos de E argentinos. De acordo com nossas hipóteses iniciais e bibliografia consultada, as orações cortadoras seriam as mais produzidas pelos estudantes, mas de acordo com nossos dados, essa não foi a opção mais usada, e sim a opção sem o artigo com preposição. Pensamos que isso se deve ao caráter mais formal (escrito) dos testes. Concluímos que os brasileiros, em sua língua nativa, não usariam tal estrutura, mas quando têm que lidar com o E, preferem cortar o artigo em vez de produzir uma estrutura que seja mais comum em PB como a cortadora. Em contrapartida, os nativos usaram com mais frequência as orações padrão, que quase não apareceram nos resultados dos estudantes brasileiros. Ou seja, o comportamento sintático dos estudantes brasileiros e dos nativos foram evidentemente diferentes. Os estudantes brasileiros nem sempre preferiram o uso de relativas com quien para antecedente [+animado], como predizem as gramáticas. Aliás, o uso das duas orações padrão (prep. + quien e prep.+ art. + que) foi bastante equilibrado. Os nativos de E, para o mesmo tipo de antecedente, usaram a oração padrão com o relativo que com maior frequência. Quando a oração relativa apresentou caráter causal, os informantes brasileiros e nativos foram levados a expressar essa relação causal e evitaram a oração relativa. / The objective of this dissertation is to compare the use or omission of prepositions in relative clauses and articles of Brazilian students of ELE and native E speakers. The study aimed at verifing whether the Brazilian students use prepositions, accompanied by the relative pronoun and articles, when they use and how they do that; contexts which favor the ellipse \"preposition + article\"; if the syntactic behavior among Brazilian students matches the native speakers and the possibilities for these similarities / differences. To this end, we collected a corpus reformulation\'s sentences of written tests of three groups of Brazilian adult students of ELE and compared to the production of reformulations of a group of Argentinian E. native speakers. According to our initial hypotheses and consulted literature, students produce more often pp-chopping sentences, but according to our data, this was not the preferred option, but the one without article and with preposition. We think this is due to the more formal nature of the (written) tests. We concluded that Brazilian students in their native language would not use such a structure, but when they have to deal with E, they prefer to cut the article instead of producing a structure that is more common in PB - like the pp-chopping. In contrast, the native speakers used standard sentences more often, which hardly ever appeared in the results of Brazilian students. That is, the syntactic behavior of Brazilian students and native speakers were evidently different. Brazilian students do not always preferred the use of relative pronoun using \"quien\" for the antecedent [+ animate], as grammatically expected. In fact, the use of two standard sentences (\"prep. + quien\" and \"prep. + art. + que) was fairly balanced. The native speakers of E, for the same type antecedent, used the standard sentence with the relative \"que\" with more frequency. When the relative clause introduced causal character, Brazilians and native speaker informants were led to express this causal relationship and avoided the relative clause.

Prosodi är en väsentlig komponent för att uppfatta och tala svenska. Forskning lyfter betoning och stavelsekvantitet som det mest centrala i korrekt prosodi, och är därmed det som prioriteras i en uttalsundervisning med begränsade resurser. Dock har flera obetonade ord betydelse för förståelsen av ett yttrande, trots att de har mindre artikulatorisk kvalité och ofta reduceras. Denna studie undersöker andraspråksinlärares perception av det obetonade ordet inte i vardaglig yttrandeprosodi, samt deras förmåga att särskilja ordet från de obetonade prepositionerna in och till. Studien genomförde ett perceptionstest där vuxna andraspråksinlärare i SFI lyssnade på meningar och svarade på frågor. Svaren analyserades för att se huruvida deltagarna uppfattade negationen i meningen eller inte. Resultaten visar att den totala andelen korrekta svar för båda experimentgrupper är 57%. Varken meningarna med negation samt motsvarande kontrollfrågor utan negation hade påtagligt större andel korrekta svar. Slutsatsen är att dessa andraspråksinlärare saknar den kognitiva medvetenhet som krävs för att uppfatta den prosodiska skillnaden mellan obetonade ord med likartad fonetisk struktur.

L'objectif est de déterminer si le sens attribué à la préposition provient d’un sémantisme initial, stable en langue mais susceptible de diversement se décliner en discours, ou s’il est constitué à partir de son environnement, par conséquent à partir des combinaisons opérées dans le discours lui-même. La réflexion est, dans la présente étude, centrée sur la relation de la préposition avec le verbe qui la sélectionne. Néanmoins, d'autres éléments environnants doivent être pris en considération dans la mesure où ils interviennent dans l’interprétation du sens. L'hypothèse est que la préposition possède une identité fondamentale qui fait qu'elle est choisie par le verbe en l'une des acceptions de ce dernier, afin de véhiculer un certain sens, et que, réciproquement, l'ensemble ainsi formé détermine la distribution du complément syntaxique de la préposition. Cette hypothèse repose sur l'adoption du principe, dans le point de vue retenu sur le fonctionnement de la langue, selon lequel la forme et le sens varient concomitamment. Autrement dit, une similitude de forme (par exemple la présence de la préposition à) est supposée intrinsèquement liée à une similitude de sens (il y a donc à rechercher un point commun sémantique à tous les verbes qui se construisent avec la préposition à) et, réciproquement, une différence de forme (par exemple la présence de la préposition à opposée à son absence) est supposée intrinsèquement liée à une différence de sens. L'adoption de ce principe heuristique impose, par le lien étroit que notre hypothèse institue entre le verbe et la préposition d’un côté, et entre le verbe et le syntagme prépositionnel de l’autre, d’envisager ces différents types de relations aussi bien dans des configurations formelles (syntaxiques) que dans des configurations sémantiques. Sur le plan formel, nous étions amenée à distinguer les différents types de groupes prépositionnels en fonction de leur lien plus ou moins proche avec le verbe. Notre hypothèse est que l’on peut rendre compte de la relation du verbe avec le syntagme prépositionnel qu’il régit au moyen d’un classement scalaire L’approche de la préposition à introduisant un groupe prépositionnel impose de séparer le complément de verbes des autres types de groupes prépositionnels(GP) dont les dénominations sont variés et contestables puisque les critères de définition fixés par la grammaire dite traditionnelle comme la suppression et le déplacement caractérisant habituellement le complément circonstanciel et la pronominalisation typique du complément sont insuffisamment distinctifs. Comme on trouve des compléments supprimables par exemple,elle chante (une chanson), dans l’emploi absolu du verbe, on trouve aussi des circonstants pronominalisables comme (il mange dans la cuisine, il y mange). Pour cela, le chapitre II présente deux contributions renouvelant ce que nous avons précédemment appelé « les théories classiques » : l'article de Lavieu (2006), s'affronte précisément aux difficultés que nous avons soulevées, et propose une reconfiguration terminologique et taxinomique distinguant entre « constituants » (où se rangent les « compléments » et les « ajouts ») et « incidents »Pour résoudre le problème de la distinction entre les différents types syntaxiques régis par à, nous avons opté pour un classement scalaire (idée inspirée de la théorie de l’actance de Lazard) qui détermine le degré de relation des verbes avec les différents actants régis par cette préposition. Ce classement a été fait au regard des mêmes tests syntaxiques sur un corpus illustrant la complémentation en à d’abord dans une structure simple et ensuite dans une structure double.Ainsi, nous avons tenté de caractériser formellement les GP en à régis par le verbe dans les différentes structures dans lesquelles ils figurent. Notre classement scalaire a montré qu’il y a une graduation dans le rapport du verbe avec le complément allant du degré le plus fort au degré le plus faible... / The objective of this thesis is to determine whether the meaning attributed to the preposition is primarily semantic or not. The aim is then to prove that though it is grammatically fixed, it can vary since it is shaped by its context, thereby assembled by multiple discourse combinations. In the present research, the focus is then centred on the study of the relationship between the preposition and the verb it determines. Accordingly, several other related elements will be studied as they intervene in the act of interpreting meaning itself. The thesis of this Ph.D dissertation suggests that the preposition has a given core identity which is determined by the verb itself and which by implication determines the meaning and the nature of the syntactic complement as well.This thesis contends then that form and meaning do vary considerably but still simultaneously. In other words, what determines form determines by implication meaning as well. The present thesis seeks then to study the different aspects and mechanics of the relationship between the verb and its preposition.In the present thesis, the study of the preposition requires all verb complements to remain separate from the different types of prepositional groups. The second chapter attempts then to re-examine the contentions of classical theories, particularly with reference to Laview’s article (2006). In order to effectively study the multiple differences and distinctions between the different syntactic classes, a scalar approach is adopted. The findings demonstrate in fact that the relationship between the verb and its complement is constantly varying. Actually, the fifth chapter of the second part includes the corpus needed to attest the research questions.The semantic research part of the present thesis, seeks in fact to further elaborate the principle that relates meaning to form. In order to demonstrate that, the approach has been based on the characteristics of the syntactic complements which are actually the main target of the analysis in the first part of the thesis.Conducting then a comparative analysis of different types of verbs which are all related by their respective preposition complement “à”, the following findings are deduced:- The nature of the verb is determined by the type of the preposition- The preposition introduces its complement meanwhile identifying the nature of the verb itself- Regardless of the nature or the type of the verb, what the preposition adds to meaning remains the sameThe main objective of this research work is then to offer new and pertinent assumptions concerning the role and function of the preposition “à”, meanwhile still taking into consideration former critical assumption advocated by Grévisse, Gougenheim, Guillaume, Pottier and Cadiot°. Since the main focus of this research work is to study the semantic identity of the preposition “à”, the approach has been based on an attempt to validate or refute all former semantic assumptions presented by former writers, exploring then the different aspects of the relationship between the verb and the preposition based of the corpus of LVF. The analysis of the different examples studied required also that a nominalisation test and a telicity test should be conducted. The following are the main findings:- There is no definite syntactic difference between the verb and the nominalised structure- The empirical study of LVF which seeks to distinguish the different dative cases reveals that the idea of interchangeability is not at the very basis of the meaning of the verb itself- The lexical dative does not automatically entail deletion of the GP since the idea of interchangeability is primarily expressed by the meaning of the verb itself- The preposition “à” designates both the origin and the recipient as well. It is a in fact linear retrospective movement which allows the process of interchangeability

Este trabalho revisita as sentenças bitransitivas do Português do Brasil (PB) a partir de dois aspectos que consideramos ser fundamentais para descrever e explicar a bitransitividade nessa língua: (a) a possibilidade de alternância entre as preposições a e para na introdução do elemento indireto e (b) a possibilidade de alternância na ordem dos complementos do predicado verbal. Nesse mesmo sentido, surgem como questão os dados do dialeto falado no português da Zona da Mata Mineira (PBM), já atestado e investigado em Scher (1996), em que verificamos a possibilidade de omissão da preposição, mas uma manutenção da possibilidade de alternância da ordem dos complementos verbais. Para dar conta do primeiro aspecto em questão, apoiamo-nos na proposta de núcleos funcionais Aplicativos introdutores de argumento nos moldes de Pylkkänen (2002). A escolha teórica se justifica pelo fato de a presença da preposição a gerar sentenças não-ambíguas em que uma relação semântica de transferência de posse, representada por um Aplicativo Baixo, nos termos de Pylkkänen (2002), é estabelecida entre os dois complementos verbais. A escolha da preposição para, por outro lado, gera sentenças ambíguas entre essa mesma relação de transferência de posse e o estabelecimento de uma espécie de beneficiário do evento, esse último representado por um Aplicativo Alto, também nos termos de Pylkkänen (2002). A partir daí, propomos que os argumentos de um verbo bitransitivo são inseridos via uma projeção funcional que licencia ambos os elementos e estabelece a relação semântica adequada entre eles. Para o PB, a nossa proposta é a de que a preposição seja a realização fonológica do núcleo da projeção Aplicativa. Mais especificamente para a variante do PBM, a nossa análise é a de que o mesmo núcleo Aplicativo esteja presente, sem a realização fonológica da preposição, mas com a mesma constituição de traços formais das sentenças do PB. A hipótese que daí se segue é que uma operação morfológica, sem consequências sintáticas, seja responsável pela ausência dessa preposição. Um modelo teórico separacionista, em que a sintaxe trabalha com traços formais e não fonológicos e em que a inserção de fonologia acontece depois de operações sintáticas e morfológicas, tal como a Morfologia Distribuída (Halle & Marantz, 1993), surge, então, como perspectiva de análise. Para dar conta da possibilidade de alternância na ordem dos complementos em sentenças bitransitivas do PB e do PBM, propomos, então, que aspectos informacionais sejam responsáveis pelo licenciamento dessas estruturas. Sugerimos, com Scher (1996), que a ordem VPPNP, no PB e, possivelmente, VNPNP, no PBM, em entonação normal, revela o caráter de Tópico do elemento colocado entre o verbo e o objeto direto e, assim, finalizamos nossa proposta apoiadas em Armelin (2009), em especial, no quadro teórico do modelo cartográfico, nos moldes de Rizzi (1997) e Belletti (2002). Esses autores, explodindo respectivamente CP e a periferia de VP, encontram aí crucialmente posições informacionais de Foco e Tópico. A nossa proposta, nesse sentido, é a de que o aspecto informacional, a saber, a movimentação de um elemento para a posição de especificador da projeção de Tópico, será responsável pelo licenciamento da ordem VPPNP nos dados do PB. / This work revisits ditransitive sentences in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) guided by two fundamental aspects on the description and explanation of the ditransitivity in this language: (a) the possibility of the alternation between the prepositions a (to) and para (for) in the introduction of the indirect element and (b) the possibility of alternation in the order of the verbal predicate complements. In this sense, the data of a Brazilian dialect spoken at the Zona da Mata Mineira (PBM), attested and investigated in Scher (1996), emerge as a question. In this dialect it is possible to omit the preposition even if the possibility of verbal complements order alternation is maintained. The investigation of the first aspect is based in the theory of functional Applicative heads proposed by Pylkkänen (2002). This theoretical choice is justified by the fact that the a (to) preposition creates non ambiguous sentences in which a semantic relation of possession transference, represented by a Low Applicative (Pylkkänen, 2002), is established between the two complements of a ditransitive predicate. The presence of the para (for) preposition, creates ambiguous sentences between the possession transference relation and the establishment of an event beneficiary, this last one represented, in Pylkkänen (2002), by a High Applicative. This work proposes that the arguments of a ditransitive predicate is inserted by a functional projection that licenses both elements and performs the right semantic relation between then. For the PB, its proposed that the preposition is the head of such functional projection. Specifically for the PBM data, this work proposes that the very same functional projection is present, without the phonological realization of the preposition, but with the same morphosyntactic traces constitution. A morphological operation, without syntactic consequences, is responsible for the absence of this preposition The investigation of the possible alternation in the order of the complements in the PB and PBM ditransitive sentences is based on informational aspects. It is suggested, with Scher (1996), that de VPPNP order revels the Topic function of the element located between the verb and the direct object. The structre proposed to this word order is based in the cartographic model, specifically in Rizzi (1997) and Belletti (2002). These authors, exploding CP and the periphery of VP respectively, propose the existence of informational positions, like Focus and Topic. Our hypothesis, then, is that the movement of an element to the Topic specifier position is responsible for the grammaticality of the order VPPNP in BP data.

Este trabalho revisita as sentenças bitransitivas do Português do Brasil (PB) a partir de dois aspectos que consideramos ser fundamentais para descrever e explicar a bitransitividade nessa língua: (a) a possibilidade de alternância entre as preposições a e para na introdução do elemento indireto e (b) a possibilidade de alternância na ordem dos complementos do predicado verbal. Nesse mesmo sentido, surgem como questão os dados do dialeto falado no português da Zona da Mata Mineira (PBM), já atestado e investigado em Scher (1996), em que verificamos a possibilidade de omissão da preposição, mas uma manutenção da possibilidade de alternância da ordem dos complementos verbais. Para dar conta do primeiro aspecto em questão, apoiamo-nos na proposta de núcleos funcionais Aplicativos introdutores de argumento nos moldes de Pylkkänen (2002). A escolha teórica se justifica pelo fato de a presença da preposição a gerar sentenças não-ambíguas em que uma relação semântica de transferência de posse, representada por um Aplicativo Baixo, nos termos de Pylkkänen (2002), é estabelecida entre os dois complementos verbais. A escolha da preposição para, por outro lado, gera sentenças ambíguas entre essa mesma relação de transferência de posse e o estabelecimento de uma espécie de beneficiário do evento, esse último representado por um Aplicativo Alto, também nos termos de Pylkkänen (2002). A partir daí, propomos que os argumentos de um verbo bitransitivo são inseridos via uma projeção funcional que licencia ambos os elementos e estabelece a relação semântica adequada entre eles. Para o PB, a nossa proposta é a de que a preposição seja a realização fonológica do núcleo da projeção Aplicativa. Mais especificamente para a variante do PBM, a nossa análise é a de que o mesmo núcleo Aplicativo esteja presente, sem a realização fonológica da preposição, mas com a mesma constituição de traços formais das sentenças do PB. A hipótese que daí se segue é que uma operação morfológica, sem consequências sintáticas, seja responsável pela ausência dessa preposição. Um modelo teórico separacionista, em que a sintaxe trabalha com traços formais e não fonológicos e em que a inserção de fonologia acontece depois de operações sintáticas e morfológicas, tal como a Morfologia Distribuída (Halle & Marantz, 1993), surge, então, como perspectiva de análise. Para dar conta da possibilidade de alternância na ordem dos complementos em sentenças bitransitivas do PB e do PBM, propomos, então, que aspectos informacionais sejam responsáveis pelo licenciamento dessas estruturas. Sugerimos, com Scher (1996), que a ordem VPPNP, no PB e, possivelmente, VNPNP, no PBM, em entonação normal, revela o caráter de Tópico do elemento colocado entre o verbo e o objeto direto e, assim, finalizamos nossa proposta apoiadas em Armelin (2009), em especial, no quadro teórico do modelo cartográfico, nos moldes de Rizzi (1997) e Belletti (2002). Esses autores, explodindo respectivamente CP e a periferia de VP, encontram aí crucialmente posições informacionais de Foco e Tópico. A nossa proposta, nesse sentido, é a de que o aspecto informacional, a saber, a movimentação de um elemento para a posição de especificador da projeção de Tópico, será responsável pelo licenciamento da ordem VPPNP nos dados do PB. / This work revisits ditransitive sentences in Brazilian Portuguese (BP) guided by two fundamental aspects on the description and explanation of the ditransitivity in this language: (a) the possibility of the alternation between the prepositions a (to) and para (for) in the introduction of the indirect element and (b) the possibility of alternation in the order of the verbal predicate complements. In this sense, the data of a Brazilian dialect spoken at the Zona da Mata Mineira (PBM), attested and investigated in Scher (1996), emerge as a question. In this dialect it is possible to omit the preposition even if the possibility of verbal complements order alternation is maintained. The investigation of the first aspect is based in the theory of functional Applicative heads proposed by Pylkkänen (2002). This theoretical choice is justified by the fact that the a (to) preposition creates non ambiguous sentences in which a semantic relation of possession transference, represented by a Low Applicative (Pylkkänen, 2002), is established between the two complements of a ditransitive predicate. The presence of the para (for) preposition, creates ambiguous sentences between the possession transference relation and the establishment of an event beneficiary, this last one represented, in Pylkkänen (2002), by a High Applicative. This work proposes that the arguments of a ditransitive predicate is inserted by a functional projection that licenses both elements and performs the right semantic relation between then. For the PB, its proposed that the preposition is the head of such functional projection. Specifically for the PBM data, this work proposes that the very same functional projection is present, without the phonological realization of the preposition, but with the same morphosyntactic traces constitution. A morphological operation, without syntactic consequences, is responsible for the absence of this preposition The investigation of the possible alternation in the order of the complements in the PB and PBM ditransitive sentences is based on informational aspects. It is suggested, with Scher (1996), that de VPPNP order revels the Topic function of the element located between the verb and the direct object. The structre proposed to this word order is based in the cartographic model, specifically in Rizzi (1997) and Belletti (2002). These authors, exploding CP and the periphery of VP respectively, propose the existence of informational positions, like Focus and Topic. Our hypothesis, then, is that the movement of an element to the Topic specifier position is responsible for the grammaticality of the order VPPNP in BP data.