Subject to this degree work is the character of prostitutes in French society in the 19th century reflected in eight selected works of French authors of the time. In the first part of my thesis the history of prostitution from "religious prostitution" in ancient Greece to its "golden age" in France in the 19th century is described. The decay of moral principles in the post-Revolutionary period (as a result of religious and social taboos collapse) causes a great spread of prostitution and venereal diseases. Because of these reasons it was necessary to take the legalizing and organizing precautions - the French System. The second part of this work takes addresses the different (romantic and naturalistic) representations of the character of the prostitute in the literature of the 19th century. The representative of the romantic interpretation of the courtesan who is driven to sin due to poverty (the myth of the "fallen angel" redeemed by pure love) is Honoré de Balzac and his novel "The Splendors and Miseries of Courtesans". The opposite pole to the romantic interpretation of prostitutes is a naturalistic beast which chooses the oldest profession herself as a means of executing social revenge. In this second, analytical, part of this work the comparison of both of these kinds is made. Key words:...

Orientador: Luci Regina Muzzeti / Resumo: Esta pesquisa origina-se de indagações presentes tanto na vivência quanto na observação da pesquisadora em relação à prostituição de luxo. Compreende-se que, na abordagem dos temas prostituição, sexo ou sexualidade, é inevitável deparar-se com preconceitos e visões enrijecidas, pois o “sexo é o grande problema, é o grande interdito das pessoas”, sendo controlado, legitimado ou negado por meio da materialização do corpo da prostituta. Portanto, no que tange à prostituição, os enunciados presentes na história demonstram a prostituta em um papel que ora assume um caráter libertário, ora pejorativo e pecaminoso. Isto posto, essa pesquisa se propôs a analisar a construção e a subjetivação da identidade da prostituta, buscou-se compreender com as putas são percebidas historicamente e como as próprias putas constroem sua subjetividade, seu modus operandi, imerso a relações de saber e poder com base na teoria da Análise do Discurso (AD) de Michel Foucault. Para tal, elaborou-se uma pesquisa de campo de natureza qualitativa, onde entrevistou-se 5 prostitutas de luxo que atendem na cidade de São Paulo e Zona Metropolitana. As entrevistas foram realizadas em uma sala comercial no Centro da cidade de São Paulo. E os dados foram compilados em duas categorias de analise, denominadas repectivamente: as relações de saber e relações de poder. Como resultados da pesquisa, notam-se que os ditos sobre a prostituta são construções que visam o controle desses corpos, com a finalidade de produzir o... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Mestre

Submitted by Rosivalda Pereira (mrs.pereira@ufma.br) on 2017-05-11T18:19:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PauloRibeiro.pdf: 1230100 bytes, checksum: 26a17492c9bab64fa9b26fb0eae9aa6c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-05-11T18:19:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 PauloRibeiro.pdf: 1230100 bytes, checksum: 26a17492c9bab64fa9b26fb0eae9aa6c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-06 / Production of a glossary which presents the names for prostitute in the Brazilian State of Maranhão, considering the linguistic taboos and the word formation. For the construction of this glossary, it is discussed the propost of linguistic taboos presented by por Guérios (1956), Leach (1964), Grimes (1978) and Ulmann (1987). It is also considered some previous studies developed in Maranhão and Brazil about the linguistic taboos in the names used to prostitute, as Pereira (2010), Guedelha (2011) and Ribeiro (2012, 2013) – the results presented in Ribeiro´s studies are used as basis to the composition of the data to this study. Considering the substitution strategies of the linguistic taboos presented in Guérios (1956) and Ullmann (1987), it is defended that the processes to formation of words are also a relevant and productive process, since the speakers, intending do not to pronounce the words related to taboos, tend to create or resignify them. So, it is impossible do not mention the neological typology and the processes presented by Guilbert (1975), Alves (1994), Biderman (2001) eCorreia e Almeida (2012), as well the process focused by Basílio (1991), Sandmann (1997) and Nascimento (2013). Aiming to show a synthesis which organizes the words to prostitute in the Brazilian State of Maranhão, it is presented a glossary. For its elaboration, it was necessary: to develop bibliographic searches, delimitate the corpus, filling of lexicographic files, analysis of data and the writing of 46 entries, that follows the structure: Word + Morphological classification + Word formation +/- etymology + variant + Motivation+/- remissive. / Produção de glossário que apresenta as denominações para prostituta no estado do Maranhão, tendo como base a tabuização e levando em conta os processos de formação de palavras. Para a construção desse glossário, discute-se a proposta de tabus linguísticos defendida por Guérios (1956), Leach (1964), Grimes (1978) e Ulmann (1987), além de estudos previamente realizados no Maranhão e no Brasil sobre os tabus linguísticos presentes nas denominações para prostituta, como em Pereira (2010), Guedelha (2011) e Ribeiro (2012, 2013) – os resultados apresentados nos estudos de Ribeiro serão utilizados como base para a composição dos dados para este estudo. Considerando as estratégias de substituição de vocábulos tabus propostas por Guérios (1956) e Ulmann (1987), defende-se que os processos de formação de palavras também constituem um mecanismo de fuga relevante e produtivo, uma vez que os falantes, com a intenção de não pronunciar itens lexicais considerados inadequados, tendem a criar outros ou a ressignificá-los. Assim, não se pode deixar de mencionar as tipologias neológicas e os processos presentes nos estudos de Guilbert (1975), Alves (1994), Biderman (2001) e Correia e Almeida (2012), bem como os processos de formação de palavras focalizados em Basílio (1991), Sandmann (1997) e Nascimento (2013). Com o intuito de organizar os itens lexicais para prostituta no estado do Maranhão, considerando a relação existente entre os tabus e os processos de formação de palavras, é apresentado um glossário que foi elaborado seguindo as seguintes etapas: pesquisas bibliográficas, delimitação e seleção do corpus, preenchimento de fichas lexicográficas, análise dos dados e a redação dos 46 verbetes do glossário, que seguem a estrutura: Item lexical + Classificação morfológica +/- Processo(s) de formação de palavras +/- Etimologia +Variante + Motivação +/- Remissiva

Poets such as Thomas Hardy, Augusta Webster, and Amy Levy portray prostitutes who seem guiltless about their choice of profession. Hardy's Amelia seems to symbolize the mutation of a pure country girl into a soiled disciple of evil; yet in the poem the changes in her life brought on by prostitution are evident in her drastically changed physical appearance and mannerism. Webster's Eulalie is an intelligent and well-spoken woman who undermines the stereotypical generalizations about prostitutes, relocating the source of the Great Social Evil from her profession to the institutionalized educational failure that trains women for nothing better than housekeeping. Levy's unnamed Magdalen, disease ridden and dying, may resemble a fallen woman. However, her lack of regret over the out-of-wedlock relationship with a man would make her an unrepentant prostitute in the eyes of the Victorians and she openly points to the real unmentionable of Victorian prostitution—the male client.

Certes l’étude du monde de la prostitution clandestine et la rencontre des prostituées clandestines sont, pour nous, une expérience fort enrichissante. Mais, côtoyer ces femmes et faire partager leurs expériences et leur vécu n’est pas du tout une tâche aisée. En étudiant cette communauté bien particulière, nous nous sommes heurtée à des difficultés : fréquentation de lieux infâmes, refus de collaboration de certaines prostituées, arnaque et dépense de grandes sommes d’argent. Notre objectif est de comprendre le phénomène de la prostitution clandestine dans la ville de Sfax, les profils des femmes qui y évoluent, y compris celles issues de la migration, et ce qui les incite à cette condition. Notre motivation principale est de découvrir un phénomène minoré dans les études sociologiques en Tunisie. Nous avons opté pour une perspective de la sociologie compréhensive. Des prostituées clandestines ont été rencontrées par l’intermédiaire de plusieurs acteurs ; proxénètes, courtiers immobiliers, prostituées clandestines, éducatrices paires. Des récits de vie, issus d’observations réalisées dans les salons de thé et dans les grands boulevards de la ville de Sfax, ont été réalisés auprès de 25 femmes tunisiennes et ont permis d'explorer en profondeur leurs expériences prostitutionnelles. À cela s’ajoute l’expérience que nous avons vécue à l’Association Tunisienne de Lutte contre les Maladies Sexuellement Transmissibles et le Sida basée à Sfax, en tant qu’assistante sociale dans le cadre du projet du Fonds mondial de lutte contre le Sida, la Tuberculose et le Paludisme. / Certainly the study of the world of illegal prostitution and meeting clandestine prostitutes are, for us, a very rewarding experience. However, contacting these women, and therefore sharing their experiences is by no means an easy task. While studying this particular community, we faced several difficulties: getting access to infamous places, resisting to collaborate on the part of certain prostitutes, swindle and spending big amounts of money. Our goal is to understand the phenomenon of clandestine prostitution in Sfax City, the profiles of women who live there, including those from migration, as well as the push factors to this condition. Our main motivation is to explore un understudied topic in the sociological literature in Tunisia. We opted for a perspective of comprehensive sociology. Meeting clandestine prostitutes have been arranged through several actors; pimps, real estate agents, clandestine prostitutes, peer educators. Life stories of 25 Tunisian women were drafted based on observations made in the tea rooms and on the boulevards of the city of Sfax, which allowed to explore in depth their prostitution experiences. In addition, our experience with the Tunisian Association to fight Sexually Transmitted Diseases and AIDS, based in Sfax, as a social worker in the framework of the Global Fund to fight AIDS, Tuberculosis and Malaria.

No description available.

none / Shanghai is one of China’s most developed cities; by 2006, the GDP per capita had reached US$7490, with the year-to-year economic growth exceeding 8% every year for the past decade. These results leave everyone impressed. Besides this factor, Shanghai is where the East meets the West, with a truly cosmopolitan cultural milieu. For these very reasons, many young Chinese come to Shanghai in search of their lucky pot of gold. But homosexual male-to-male sexual workers leave their hometowns for the big city, availing themselves of the chance to get rid of their family pressures, and to embrace new lives with their sexual orientation. So why do they instead choose to remain subject to the traditional Chinese way of thinking, being limited by the traditional Confucian precepts, seeing marriage as an absolutely essential element of life? What are the relations between economic development and social mores in terms of China’s male-to-male sexual workers (sex or sexual)? As the economy develops very rapidly, the concept of sexulization has begun to sprout in China, so how can male-to-male sexual workers (sex or sexual) envision themselves in light of these trends? From the traditional views of the subservient master-servant Confucian vertical social relations, to the present circumstance of transforming one’s body into a product for sale, does this help China’s male-to-male sexual workers (sex or sexual)to oppose the constraints of the traditional Confucian views, so that they can, like China’s female prostitutes, begin a quest for their equal human rights? These are among the many questions addressed in this study. Therefore, the primary focus of this study is to understand the working milieu of the male-to-male sex workers (sex or sexual) in Shanghai, China, in appreciation of the background causes for underlying male-to-male sex work (sex or sexual) and perception of the entire process of their experiences. .An in-depth study on these male-to-male sex workers (sex or sexual?) in Shanghai, China, was conducted as to when they left their hometowns, and how they came to grip with their sexual orientation yet had to return to face the issue of forming a traditional family (by marriage). How could someone who has been living in a country and society steeped in patriarchy, go to work as a prostitute for the male? How strong are the forces of internal anxiety and external pressure upon these men’s inner world? These are the core issues this study intends to explore and follow up. After the research motivation for this study was specified and the author became acquainted with these men, one realized that each of these men worked as male-to-male sex workers had within their personal histories, some skeletons which they wish they had left alone in the closet. Their inner worlds are both bitter and complicated. This is also the reason why qualitative analysis was adopted in this study, to possibly penetrate the world of these men’s hearts, and to analyze their individual family backgrounds, living predicaments, interactions with the broader world and social pressures, and other aspects during the interview process. After interviewing with the 15 MB, the author has learned more from examining the circumstances of male-to-male sex workers (sex or sexual) who are willing to engage in the male-to-male sex trade and also willing to held a traditional marriage, from the three perspectives of their sexual orientation, economic status and overall social environment. (A) From the sexual orientation point of view. Among the male-to-male sex workers (sex or sexual) in this study with the exception of one participant who was a heterosexual, the majority of the participants in this interview were all homosexuals staying in the closet. And many of the MBs in the countryside share common formative sexual experiences with other boys, such as sleeping together and masturbation…etc. In the more densely populated countryside where living conditions are relatively poor, it is quite common to see many boys sleeping together in one room, thereby increasing the opportunity for the boys to develop intimate contact. Therefore in light of their formative experiences, the ways they grew up actually contributed to these MB’s acceptance of the male-to-male sex trade. (B) From the economics point of view. All of the research subjects had indicated that the main reason for becoming an MB was to make money. Money became the focal point of these MB’s lifestyles because they had grown up in very poor rural areas and suffered from the pressures of an impoverished environment and unfair society. For recently-graduated students from the rural areas, the education which they have received at great expense is still not comparable with those students graduated from the city. Moreover, China is a social-networking or so-called “guanxi” in Chinese. Rural families often find absolutely no connections to help them find jobs. As a result, graduation spells unemployment. And consequently under great economic pressures, many rural youths go to Shanghai in search of their fortunes. However as they run into brick walls and run out of resources, selling their bodies becomes an easy way to increasing their wealth and a means of survival. (C) From the social environment point of view. Chinese people have stepped away from communism due to the development of capitalism. The emergence of the commodity economy society enables people to pursue a material life and leave virtues of contented living behind. Now with the formation of a capitalist society, wealth has become one of the standard measures for things. The impact of the worship for mammon on Chinese people now results in people using the amount of money as a criterion for interaction. Such a society gradually develops a positive attitude towards prostitution. Sensations, attitudes and affinity distance are all determined by the amount of wealth. Prostitution becomes a means of pursuing money. According to the results from this study, respondents indicated that they have agreed that the sale of body is a tool or method for making money, and have repeatedly emphasized that money is the main factor of becoming MBs. Instead, sex trade was triggered by socio-economic oppression and self-expectations or expectation in sudden success (Structural tension theory, Merton). Furthermore, due to unequal social opportunities, for examples, most of the MBs have not attained good schools; neither does their family have good social relations, which results in a consistent and normal behavior of prostitution among the MBs. For this reason, MBs are in need of social and public concern, while nonetheless such efforts cannot be completed through a group. The society should subvert its current social standards and the value classification, evaluate human values and needs with an attitude of non-judgmental awareness, and seriously look into each individual and his or her work. By understanding and helping those people in need, consequently we will develop a happy world in prosperity.

This dissertation explores the ways in which Charles Dickens writes Nancy in Oliver Twist, Anthony Trollope writes Carry Brattle in The Vicar of Bullhampton, and Elizabeth Gaskell writes Esther in Mary Barton to represent and examine some very personal and painful anxiety. About Dickens and Trollope, I contend that they turn their experiences of shame into their prostitute's shame. For Gaskell, I assert that the experience she projects onto her prostitute is that of her own maternal grief in isolation. Further, I argue that these authors self-consciously create biographical parallels between themselves and their prostitutes with an eye to drawing conclusions about the results of their anxieties, both for their prostitutes and, by proxy, for themselves. In Chapter II, I assert that in Nancy, Dickens writes himself and his sense of shame at his degradation and exploitation in Warren's Blacking Factory. This shame resulted in a Dickens divided, split between his successful, public persona and his secret, mortifying shame. Both shame and its divisiveness he represents in a number of ways in Nancy. In Chapter III, I contend that Trollope laces Carry Brattle with some of his own biographical details from his early adult years in London. These parallels signify Carry's personal importance to her author, and reveal her silences and her subordinate role in the text as representative of Trollope's own understanding and fear of shame and its consequences: its silencing and paralyzing nature, and its inescapability. In Chapter IV, I posit that Gaskell identifies herself with Esther, and that through her, Gaskell explores three personal things: her sorrow over the loss of not one but three of her seven children, her possible guilt over these deaths, and her emotional isolation in her marriage as she grieved alone. In her creation of Esther, Gaskell creates a way both to isolate her grief and to forge a close companion to share it, thus enabling her to examine and work through grief. In Chapter V, I examine the preface of each novel and find that these, too, reflect each author's identification with and investment of anxiety in his or her particular prostitute.

This thesis explores the representation of prostitution in German Weimar films between 1919 and 1933. It theorizes that prostitutes are illustrated through characters who are public women. The women who step out of their homes to enter public, or who are somehow introduced to strangers without leaving their homes are public women. The public women in these films, as public women living in Germany, were in danger of being identified as prostitutes and becoming prostitutes. A woman’s public position made her vulnerable to the male sexualized gaze. The male sexualized gaze ultimately led to a woman’s prostitution. The thesis analyzes 4 films to demonstrate woman’s depiction as a prostitute. The first film, Nosferatu, depicts a seemingly virtuous woman whose husband begins to prostitute her, but ultimately she prostitutes herself in exchange for the service of a supernatural law. The film symbolically discusses social issues regarding prostitution, family life, and venereal disease. The second film, Metropolis, protects its public female character from the sexualized gaze with religion and motherhood at the beginning of the film. However, as the film progresses the main character, Maria, is unwillingly prostituted by the head of the society in exchange for a robot that looks like her. The robot employs the male sexualized gaze and her position as a prostitute to overturn society as a vagina dentata. The third and fourth films are The Blue Angel and Variety respectively. Both of these films depict women in public positions who use their sexuality for gain. These women prostitute themselves. They are not victims as Maria and Ellen are in the two previous films. The women in this chapter use their sexuality and prostitution as a way to attain agency. The women in these films I label as vagina dentata because they purposefully destroy men for their own gain. These women use public sexuality to find and engage their male prey as patrons before they emasculate them. The thesis views the women of Weimar films differently than other scholars have by making her the focus of the film and interpreting her public exposure as her gateway to prostitution.

This dissertation explores the ways in which Charles Dickens writes Nancy in Oliver Twist, Anthony Trollope writes Carry Brattle in The Vicar of Bullhampton, and Elizabeth Gaskell writes Esther in Mary Barton to represent and examine some very personal and painful anxiety. About Dickens and Trollope, I contend that they turn their experiences of shame into their prostitute's shame. For Gaskell, I assert that the experience she projects onto her prostitute is that of her own maternal grief in isolation. Further, I argue that these authors self-consciously create biographical parallels between themselves and their prostitutes with an eye to drawing conclusions about the results of their anxieties, both for their prostitutes and, by proxy, for themselves. In Chapter II, I assert that in Nancy, Dickens writes himself and his sense of shame at his degradation and exploitation in Warren's Blacking Factory. This shame resulted in a Dickens divided, split between his successful, public persona and his secret, mortifying shame. Both shame and its divisiveness he represents in a number of ways in Nancy. In Chapter III, I contend that Trollope laces Carry Brattle with some of his own biographical details from his early adult years in London. These parallels signify Carry's personal importance to her author, and reveal her silences and her subordinate role in the text as representative of Trollope's own understanding and fear of shame and its consequences: its silencing and paralyzing nature, and its inescapability. In Chapter IV, I posit that Gaskell identifies herself with Esther, and that through her, Gaskell explores three personal things: her sorrow over the loss of not one but three of her seven children, her possible guilt over these deaths, and her emotional isolation in her marriage as she grieved alone. In her creation of Esther, Gaskell creates a way both to isolate her grief and to forge a close companion to share it, thus enabling her to examine and work through grief. In Chapter V, I examine the preface of each novel and find that these, too, reflect each author's identification with and investment of anxiety in his or her particular prostitute.