In the conduction of the Brazilian politics, the centralization and decentralization models, in the contexts of the situation in which they are enrolled, have been presented in the apparent as opposites, and they indicate in their essence strategies of space control in the different interfaces of the unequal geographical development of the capitalism. The politics of decentralization of the last governments (starting from the end of the 80s) is associated to the crisis of the development model and the exhaustion of the supplying State, what gives it the attribute of potentializing of the strategies to promote the development and the redefinition of the size of the State. The speech of the decentralization is affirmed by identifying it with emancipation and and democratization, resultant of fights and social conquests of rights and citizenship, what means ideologically, a positive reinforcement for the elaboration of neoliberal public politics. In this context it is enrolled the politics of health (SUS), whose historical roots are connected in the democratic fights of the 80s, at the same time in that the neoliberalism was settled in the country. Seemingly, it is revealed a politics in the wrong way of the neoliberal project, but the dialetical glance undresses the apparent and exposes the contradictions of the (des) centralizing politics of the State. The reading of the reality starting from the category of the totality allows the understanding that the politics of decentralization of the health and the invigoration of the local spaces (the municipal districts) was not only an answer to the financial crisis and the governmentality problems. The decentralization politics has in the municipal districts the strategy to the accomplishment of the located territorialy development, as an instrument of the flexible accumulation that acts in the reformulation of the scales functionalities to adapt them to the deregulation of the markets. The area is valued, fetished as the place to solve the structural crisis of the money, in which the crisis of the State is just a symptom of its terminality. The scalar redraw printed by the decentralization was studied in this research, accomplished in Sergipe starting from the hypothesis that the democratic speech present in the politics of decentralization of the health masks the deprived appropriation of the services and actions of health in the ambit local/nacional/global, through a selective and excluding nested net. For it, it also competes, the patrimonial treatment of the public thing that unchains disputes and takes out the responsibility of the municipal and state governments to the attendance of the health needs of the population. To the Geography it fits the (un) concealing of the reality through the space reading, to the unveiling of the strategies contradictions of the space control for the money. / Na condução da política brasileira, os modelos de centralização e descentralização nos contextos conjunturais em que se inscrevem têm sido apresentados no aparente como opostos e indicam na sua essência estratégias de controle espacial nas diferentes interfaces escalares do desenvolvimento desigual geográfico do capitalismo. A política de descentralização dos últimos governos (a partir do final dos anos de 1980) está associada à crise do modelo de desenvolvimento e ao esgotamento do Estado provedor, o que lhe dá o atributo de potencializadora das estratégias para promover o desenvolvimento e a redefinição do tamanho do Estado. O discurso da descentralização se afirma ao identificá-la com emancipação e democratização, resultante de lutas e conquistas sociais de direitos e de cidadania, o que significa ideologicamente, um reforço positivo para a elaboração de políticas públicas de cunho neoliberais. Nesse contexto se inscreve a política de saúde (o SUS), cujas raízes históricas estão imbricadas nas lutas democráticas dos anos 1980, ao mesmo tempo em que o neoliberalismo se instalou no país. Aparentemente, se revela uma política na contramão do projeto neoliberal, mas o olhar dialético desnuda o aparente e expõe as contradições da política (des) centralizadora do Estado. A leitura da realidade a partir da categoria da totalidade permite a compreensão de que a política de descentralização da saúde e o fortalecimento dos espaços locais (os municípios) não foi somente uma resposta à crise financeira e aos problemas de governabilidade. A política de descentralização tem nos municípios a estratégia para a realização do desenvolvimento territorialmente localizado, como um instrumento da acumulação flexível que atua na reformulação das funcionalidades das escalas para adequá-las à desregulação dos mercados. Valorizase o local, fetichizado como o lugar para solucionar a crise estrutural do capital, na qual a crise do Estado é apenas um sintoma da sua terminalidade. O redesenho escalar impresso pela descentralização foi estudado nesta pesquisa, realizada em Sergipe a partir da hipótese de que o discurso democrático presente na política de descentralização da saúde mascara a apropriação privada dos serviços e ações de saúde no âmbito local/nacional/global, através de uma rede hierarquizada seletiva e excludente. Para isso concorre também, o tratamento patrimonial da coisa pública que desencadeia disputas e desresponsabiliza os governos municipais e estaduais para o atendimento das necessidades de saúde da população. À Geografia cabe o (des)ocultamento da realidade através da leitura espacial, para o desvelamento das contradições das estratégias do controle espacial pelo capital.

Le premier objectif de cette thèse est d’apporter un éclairage sur des performances observées de l’enseignement supérieur français dans un contexte international. Et plus précisément dans le champ des sciences de gestion. Nous contextualisons notre recherche à partir d’une analyse de la littérature sur la mondialisation de l’économie de la connaissance, et sur l’évolution des politiques publiques et managériales des organisations académiques, expliquée par l’approche néo-institutionnelle. L’existence des grandes écoles et des universités révèle un contexte spécifique de concurrence et de dispersion des atouts. L’objectif principal est d’ouvrir une réflexion sur des voies de collaborations entre ces organisations en mobilisant la littérature sur le concept de coopétition et en mettant en évidence les liens avec la théorie néo-institutionnelle. La singularité de notre recherche est d’étendre ce concept aux acteurs publics et privés, de contribuer à sa construction, de démontrer sa capacité à améliorer autant la performance que la légitimité des organisations, et d’apporter aux décideurs des outils managériaux adaptés / This dissertation sheds light on the performance of the French higher education system in an International context, with a focus on graduate programs in management sciences. Our analysis is carried out in the context of globalized knowledge as well as evolving public and management policies of higher educational organizations, as prescribed by the neo institutional approach. The existence of grandes écoles, often considered elite schools, as alternatives to universities in France results in increased competition and dispersal of assets. Here we discuss how the concepts of coopetition and relational strategy can be applied to the French higher education system, as well as how they are related to the neo institutional theory. We show that coopetition strategies between public and private stakeholders can lead to improved performance and legitimacy of organizations, as well as provide policymakers with appropriate and efficient managerial tools

This PhD thesis in environmental science aims to contribute to the theoretical and empirical understanding of the relation between participation and legitimacy in multi-level environmental governance. It is widely assumed that actor involvement has great potential to improve the legitimacy of nature conservation through long-term acceptance and target achievement. However, local resource conflicts problematize the way a relation between participation and legitimacy is depicted on other administrative levels. Studies exploring the effect that participation has on legitimacy are relatively rare, especially in multi-level arrangements of coastal conservation. In this thesis the relation between participation and legitimacy on the local level is examined, as well as how this relation is conditioned by multi-level governance and power. The relation is empirical studied with two local implementation processes of the Helsinki Convention’s network of marine protected areas (HELCOM MPAs). The cases are located in Sweden. Sweden and the Baltic Sea region are in the forefront of participation in nature conservation, and therefore act as a strong case for the exploration of institutional participation. However, despite apparent political will and international support, the efficiency of actor involvement for nature conservation has been questioned, also for the HELCOM MPA and especially on the local level. Based on the results of this study, I question the assumption that weak legitimacy predominantly is an issue of insufficient information sharing. The findings show that involving actors to legitimize the adoption of strict adherence to a pre-established model of conservation likely fails to create long term support for conservation. Instead, relocation of power to the affected actors seems essential in order to make participation establish legitimacy. It appears important to create room for local influence in the design, management and implementation of a particular conservation area in the particular place/context. In both examined cases, there are elements of participation that support legitimacy, for example the development of a shared vision. There are also elements that hamper legitimacy, such as, for example, the high expectations different actors have on participation to reach consensus on protective values. These unmet expectations seem to fuel conflicts of interests among actors on different levels. / Världens hav är i kris. Med ett stort internationellt tryck för att skydda dem har den svenska regeringen satt ambitiösa mål för etablering av marina reservat. Beslutsfattare och forskare har höga förväntningar på att lokalt deltagande underlättar etableringen. Men utan verkliga möjligheter för lokalt deltagande att påverka besluten så verkar förväntningarna orealistiska, med allvarliga konsekvenser för legitimitet av miljöskydd. Avhandlingen undersöker relationen mellan deltagande och legitimitet i svensk östersjöförvaltning genom att studera samrådsprocesserna för Gräsö marina naturreservat och St Anna-Missjö marina skyddsområde. Studien visar på både positiva och negativa samband mellan deltagande och legitimitet, beroende på kvalitén av deltagande. Olika lokala aktörer är djupt engagerade i resursfrågor och vill ha möjlighet att diskutera dessa med staten. Lokala aktörer uttrycker besvikelse och frustration om samråden har en begränsad inverkan på faktiska beslut. Besvikelsen kan underminera stödet för naturskydd och försämra relationen mellan stat och lokala aktörer i längden. I ett av de undersökta fallen var de lokala aktörerna engagerade i att formulera en gemensam vision för området tillsammans med myndigheterna, något som annars är ovanligt. Det visade sig ha en mycket positiv effekt på samrådsprocessen och legitimiteten av naturskyddet.