The Czech Republic is often said to be a Eurosceptic country. These opinions mainly come from the results of public opinion polls, as, for example, the election results do not show higher success of Eurosceptic parties and, after all, the referendum on the Czech Republic's accession to the EU has a positive result. Skeptical opinions may rather show in a lack of interest in European issues, poor awareness, or low participation in the European elections, where the Czech Republic has had one of the lowest participations for a long time. It is the primary goal of this diploma thesis to find out what role the print media play in these moods and whether some of them may be labeled as Eurosceptic. Another goal is to verify the presented theory of Euroscepticism and the relevance of its defined actors, and also to find new, previously undefined Eurosceptics.

Reports of smear campaigns and manipulated narratives about Sweden unfolding online, following a few derogatory comments by US President Donald Trump (2017-21), provided this thesis with three research aims. (1) To investigate the framing of Sweden in some of the most influential US newspapers, (2) to examine the agenda-setting role and influence of the president through US foreign policy, (3) to construct a comprehensive US media image of Sweden. To be up-to-date and for comparative purposes, the period 2013-2022 was selected to accommodate the presidencies of Barack Obama, Donald Trump, and Joe Biden. The chosen theories make sure a common thread is running through all parts of the thesis, and enhance our understanding of the environment in which this thesis takes place. Rooted in a positivist epistemology, a quantitative content analysis was conducted to systematically go through vast amounts of data. Although considering other external factors and explanations for the empirical data, this thesis successfully isolates US foreign policy as an independent variable. It finds that the interest in Sweden and tone more generally declined from Obama to Trump and then back to be more positive again during Biden. It seems that the way Sweden is framed – and that certain topics get politically activated – is indeed linked to how the US interacts with foreign nations. The thesis adds to a rather limited research field, and provides a platform for future studies. It, also, increases our knowledge of the role of US foreign policy in framing nations with which the US, for the most part, has a positive relationship. This study is relevant and of interest to people, not least scholars, that desire to learn more about determinants in US media, foreign policy, and international relations.

The presented diploma thesis on the topic Direct election of the President in the Czech media environment aims to clarify how the selected internet news portals (iDnes.cz, iRozhlas.cz, Novinky.cz, Blesk.cz) reported on the second rounds of the direct election of the head of state in years 2013 and 2018. The theoretical part of this work focuses on the definition of theoretical concepts, such as media image, media product or representation. It also deals with the factors of the enactment of the direct election of the president and the resulting impact on society. In the analytical part, articles from selected servers in a specific period will be examined with the help of quantitative content analysis, which should, among other things, clarify how the media decided to approach this new institution.

The diploma thesis deals with political satire in the Show Jana Krause at the time of selected elections in the Czech Republic in the years 2010-2019. Altogether six sub-periods in which the chosen elections were held were examined, which means that the general sample of episodes of the Show Jana Krause is formed from six smaller samples. The aim of the work was to find out what form political satire had in the show in the monitored period, how often it appeared in it and which political actors were most often its target. The research method was a quantitative content analysis with the help of which the work seeks answers to the following four research questions. RQ1: How much space was devoted to political satire in the Show Jana Krause? RQ2: What elements of political satire does the Show Jana Krause use? RQ3: What politicians, or which political subjects were most often satirically portrayed on the show? RQ4: What topics did political satire on the Show Jana Krause focus on the most? The thesis consists of four chapters. The first chapter theoretically defines key concepts and outlines the history of political satire. The second chapter deals in more detail with the genre of television political satire and its development, especially with a focus on the Czech environment. The intention of the...

Denna studie undersöker i vilka sammanhang och på vilka sätt Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet framställt personer med autismspektrumtillstånd. Studien innehåller en kvantitativ innehållsanalys som undersökt artiklar (n = 240) gällande hur nyhetsrapporteringen av personer med autism framställts och porträtterats mellan år 2013 då diagnosen autism blev ett gemensamt begrepp med förkortningen AST, innehållande autism, Aspergers syndrom och atypisk autism, till år 2020. Den teoretiska ramen är byggd efter gestaltningsteorin och dagordningsteorin. Den kvantitativa innehållsanalysen visar att personer, till största delen barn och ungdomar med autism, i övervägande grad framställs som offer som sällan själva får komma till tals. Resultaten visar även att majoriteten av artiklarna är känslomässiga med individen i fokus och det individualistiska som lösningen, ofta är det personens problem som ligger till grund för artikeln.

The purpose of this study is to examine how FIFA and Amnesty portray the football World Cup in Qatar 2022 differently on their respective Twitter accounts. For context, the topic regarding Qatar being granted to host the World Cup has been a heated discussion ever since its inception in 2010 when FIFA officially announced it for the first time. Common arguments against the decision were usually about Qatar not having any prior record of a “football culture” as well as there being accusations of them buying their way into becoming a host nation. Qatar later also came under fire after sources showed evidence that the country imposed “slave-like” conditions on migrant workers building their cities and football arenas, with reports estimating 6,500 migrant worker deaths in the country since 2010. Knowing this information surrounding the World Cup 2022, this study aims to quantitatively analyse the differences in content and framings published on Twitter by FIFA, the organization running the event, and Amnesty, a non-governmental organization focused on human rights. Framing theory and agenda-setting theory were used as tools to examine 150 tweets under the time period spanning from December 2, 2010 to November 20, 2022. The findings of the analysis show dominatingly negative tweets from Amnesty regarding the World Cup, whereas FIFA have remained neutral but mostly positive. The results of the analysis also show signs of sportswashing being a contributing factor in the different framings of the World Cup between the accounts.

Digitalization has made it possible to consume news through both newspapers and social media, but we rarely consider if both platforms share the same news selection. This bachelor study aims to compare which agenda Dagens Nyheter conveys through the choices in the displayed news on the front page of the newspaper and the Instagram feed. The theoretical framework is based on gatekeeping theory, agenda-setting theory and news value theory. Using the quantitative content analysis 486 news articles were coded and analyzed whereof 182 were articles from the news front page and 304 were from the Instagram feed. The results show that hard and soft news are equally represented in the two news outlets. On the other hand, the results also indicate that there are differences regarding the centralization of certain topics, the nature of the news and the main actors. From these results, we conclude that different agendas are conveyed through the news reported between the two mediums.

Anti-bullying policies are effective in reducing bullying victimization in secondary schools when they are written precisely, have a clear description of what bullying entails and how the school responds, and maintains a high priority through regular updating. Research on anti-bullying policies in the United Kingdom is not very extensive and has thus far only been done qualitatively. This research aims to utilize an in-depth content analysis to investigate trends and patterns within secondary schools anti-bullying policies in London, England. The purpose of this research is also to find preliminary results of the difference between public community schools and international schools. The documents are coded and counted systematically per keyword of each definition and then compared and averaged. The data was then analysed using descriptive statistics and compared by other school and policy characteristics, such as location of the school, the Ofsted educational inspectorate rating, the number of pages of the policy and when the policy was last updated. The findings of this research indicate that there is an underrepresentation of aspects of relational bullying, weight-based bullying, and the role of bystanders as stated in the policies. The main focuses in the selected policies are on the responsibility of school staff and parents, a reporting system and updating of the policy. This implies that anti-bullying policies should be improved further to include relational bullying, weight-based bullying, and the role of bystanders more. This study contributes to the field of International and Comparative Education by filling a research gap in the investigation of anti-bullying policies in England and providing an updated and quantitative insight into the status of these policies. This research also adds to the field by examining differences between community schools and international schools and comparing various school and policy characteristics, contributing to the understanding of how bullying is addressed by different types of schools.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the use of national references in contemporary Swedish journalism. As a result of this, the study raises the question of the importance of national references throughout the world and provides a deeper understanding of the production of news. Through a qualitative and quantitative content analysis of 23 articles from the Swedish news organizations Dagens Nyheter (DN) and Svenska Dagbladet (SVD), the study examines the material using the agenda-setting theory, the gatekeeping theory, and the theories of news frames and news values. The qualitative approach aims to investigate how national references are used, and the quantitative research investigates to what extent national references are used and which themes are often occurring. The study's main findings show that the usage of national references is identifiable in both SVD and DN. The articles are found to utilize national references linked to Swedish soldiers, Swedish politicians, and the political allies of Sweden to provide cultural links to consumers, thus making the news more accessible and recognizable. National references are regularly implemented by using a narrative that exhibits a unified West where Sweden collaborates with other countries and international organizations such as the European Union and the United Nations. Further, Swedish military involvement in the conflict in Mali is often the subject of the articles examined in the study. The situation of the Swedish soldiers is often put on the agenda, and the Swedish military is generally framed as a responsible military force, protecting democracy and being in a leading position. The involvement of the Swedish government and Swedish politicians is frequently mentioned in the articles, making the Mali issue political, which could impact the 2022 election in Sweden.

The current study targeted the current issue of the Yemeni crisis and activity of the Houthi movement from the point of its internal and external causes. The activity of the extremist groups on the territory of Yemen creates significant national security risks for most of countries of the Arabian Peninsula. In these conditions, it was important to analyze the problem in detail to comprehend and envision future possible resolutions. To analyze the issue under discussion, the paper utilized the conflict and proxy war theories in the international relations (IR) sphere.  In addition, qualitative data was collected and transformed into quantitative materials using quantitative content and discourse analysis methods. The critical analysis of the selected theories led to the recognition of the key theoretical concepts applicable for the study of the Yemeni case. The methodology was applied to review the official speeches of the national leaders of the following countries and organizations: the UAE, the United States, and Hezbollah. Based on the study findings, the paper determined interests of each potential side and proposed a potential strategy to effectively minimize the security risks caused by the movement.