Šis rašto darbas - tai ES diskusijų ir mokslinių šaltinių apibendrinimas apie tinkamiausią galios balansą tarp Briuselio ir šalių narių migracijos reguliavimo aspektu. Autorius teigia, kad fundamentalias vertybines diskusijas nacionalinių valstybių politikoje provokuojantis migracijos procesas negali būti mechaniškai (niveliuojant esamus didžiulius skirtumus tarp valstybių) perduotas ES kompetencijai be didelių nuostolių Europos šalims ir gyventojams. Anot autoriaus, ES neturi tapti Jungtinėmis Europos valstijomis, t.y. nauja supervalstybe, bet turi stiprinti savo “nišas”: pagalbos trečiosioms šalims politiką, žmogaus teisių apsaugą, tyrimų ir universalios migracijos statistikos kaupimą. Iki šiol Migracijos ir Vystymosi (pagalbos) bei Naujosios kaimynystės politikos bendrumas yra nepakankamai išnaudojamas ES lygmeniu. Migracija vis dar susieta su saugumu ir sienų kontrole, tačiau Europos atsiribojimas nuo likusio pasaulio tik skatina nestabilumą ir didiną nelegalią migraciją. / This paper examines EU's migration policy development. The paper presents a short review of literature and current discussions about the appropriate balance of powers between EU institutions and member states in migration issues. The paper argues that mechanical shift of the responsibility from national to supranational agencies, will not provide satisfactory solutions to the challenges related to migration issues both within the EU area and the world in general. Migration is changing our understanding of regional integration processes, challenging the idea of a united states of Europe. It is almost impossible to regulate migration, especially by hard measures such as border control. Instead concentration upon migration limitations, mass deportations, "border-walls", active migrant detention and assimilation, EU has to examine other possible alternatives of police measures to provide better and more effective aid directed towards the reasons for migration. Migration issues must to a larger degree be incrementally transferred from security issues and connected to the development and neighbourhood policy agenda as well as Lisbon strategy objectives (problems of competitiveness, demographical tensions etc.). Especially when it comes to the developing world EU should increase their effort on poverty reduction, brain drain and facilitate political stability and circular migration. The neo-liberal dominance on political and economical policies, lead to a perception of the world... [to full text]

Šeimos susijungimas garantuojamas tarptautinių ir ES teisės aktų bei nacionalinių teisės aktų pagrindu. Teisė susijungti su šeima trečiųjų šalių piliečiams ES tiesiogiai įvardija direktyva 2003/86/EB. Šeimos susijungimo atveju, šeimos nariais gali būti sutuoktinis(ė) bei jo(s) nepilnamečiai vaikai. Nacionaliniai teisės aktai gali numatyti ir kitus šeimos narius, atsižvelgus į pasekmių, kurios kiltų neleidus susijungti, sunkumą. Įvertinus ES piliečių ir jų šeimos narių apsigyvenimą ES valstybių narių teritorijoje bei trečiųjų šalių šeimų apsigyvenimą ES teritorijoje galime teigti, kad trečiųjų šalių piliečių ir jo šeimos narių apsigyvenimas yra apibrėžtas didesne sąlygų išpildymo apimtimi, dėl kurių šeimoms ir kyla daug problemų. Trečiųjų šalių piliečiai teisės susijungti atžvilgiu gali būti pabėgėlio statusą turintys asmenys arba kiti užsieniečiai, kurie turi laikiną arba nuolatinį leidimą gyventi ES. Teisės susijungti su šeima kontekste išryškėja šios problemos. Pirma, fiktyvios santuokos sudarymas, siekiant apsigyventi ES valstybių narių teritorijoje ne dėl šeimos santykių, o dėl to, kad gauti ES leidimą gyventi. Antra, nesantuokinės partnerystės ir tos pačios lyties santuokų sudarymo problematika, nes įvairios valstybės narės skirtingai reglamentuoja šiuos santykius. Trečia, nors suteikiamos teisės artimos pabėgėlio statusui, tačiau asmenims besinaudojantiems laikina ir papildoma apsauga, teisė susijungti garantuojama ne visose ES valstybėse. Ketvirta, reikalavimo dėl... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Family reunification is guaranteed by both by EU and national legislation. Right to reunify with family members for 3rd countries citizens in EU is defined by directive 2003/86/EB. Family members are defined as a spouse and his/her under-age children. National law can also determine other family members depending on consequences that might arise due to family inability to reunify. Estimating settlement of EU and non-EU citizens in EU territory it can be noticed that for citizens of 3rd countries and their family members settling is more restricted due to requirements to meet more conditions. Citizens of 3rd countries that can apply for reunification are persons that have refugee status or have temporary or permanent residence permit in EU. A few problems was noticed analysing EU family reunification law. First is fictitiuos marriage in order to settle in EU territory not due to family relationships, but due to having residence permit in EU. Secondly, non-marital partnership and marriage of the citizens of the same sex regulation in EU members varies. Thirdly, for persons, having temporary or complementary protection, right to reunify with family is not guaranteed in all EU countries even if they receive rights similar to refugee status. Finally, there is a problem of requirement to live in EU member state for a certain period before reunification, because EU law transfer to national legislation varies from country to country and for example in Lithuania is even inaccurate... [to full text]

My dissertation discusses refugee rights and post-repatriation integration in South Asia in the context of debates over "citizenship." Postcolonial state-formation processes in South Asia have profoundly shaped questions of belonging and membership. As a result, official citizenship has become an important marker of group inclusion and exclusion in South Asian states. Using the literature on citizenship, I discuss the "belonging" claims of non-citizens (refugees) and argue that in practice this "belonging" extends beyond the state-centric "citizenship" view of membership. In doing so, I address two sets of interrelated questions: what factors determine whether or not refugees will be repatriated in South Asia, and why do some repatriated groups re-integrate more successfully than others in "post-peace" South Asian states? I answer these questions through a study of refugees from Sri Lanka and Bangladesh who sought asylum in India and were later repatriated to their countries of origin. The politics of postcolonial state-formation and subsequent discriminatory policies on language in Sri Lanka and non-recognition of the Jumma people in Bangladesh encouraged many citizens to flee to India as refugees. I argue, first, that India's state-centric politics of non-recognition of the two refugee groups contributed to their later repatriation. In the absence of rights and status in exile, refugees turned to "home" as a place to belong. I then analyze the post-repatriation variations in accommodation in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh as most refugees attempted to reclaim the lost identity and "citizenship" at "home" through the process of repatriation. However these countries pursued strategies of limited accommodation, which led to the minimal or partial re-integration of the two returnee-refugee groups.

<p>Although gender-based violence has been identified as highly problematic in South Africa, it has not been given much scholarly attention in relation to refugee women. This study focuses on the experience of some of these women who have resettled in Cape Town. The main focus is on gender-based violence and the linkages between conflicts at home, fleeing from it, as well as the problems faced by women when they reach the &lsquo / new&rsquo / country where they are suppose to be safe, but yet continue to experience gender violence. By referring to my own empirical research I try to tease out the many instances of violence and abuse such women face, how they understand and try to make sense of it and how they try to take up their lives in Cape Town. I utilized the much used ecological framework to analyze gender-based violence and argue that, while this &lsquo / model&rsquo / is dynamic and allows one to make analytical linkages across different &lsquo / levels&rsquo / of violence, it nevertheless does not adequately provide for understanding the relationship between larger global and international processes, the connection that women may still have with their countries of origin and the impact of being a refugee or unwanted &lsquo / immigrant&rsquo / in South Africa</p>

This thesis focuses on the challenges posed by the refugees from the Great Lakes Region to the ministry of the Anglican Cathedral of the Holy Nativity in Pietermaritzburg, South Africa. It intends to inform the Christian world in general and specifically the Anglican Cathedral of the Holy Nativity of the current refugee situation and its causes. Furthermore, this study shows that understanding the refugees' livelihood strategies is a prerequisite to improved interventions. Using the Sustainable Livelihood Framework, this study describes some of the positive and negative outcomes from the mechanisms and strategies developed by refugees in order to stabilize and enhance their situation. Looking at the livelihood challenges faced by the Great Lakes Region refugees, this study shows how UNHCR (United Nations High Commission for Refugees) has been in a weak position to challenge the policies of its funders and host governments even when those policies fail to respond adequately to refugee problems. / Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2007.

Sverige har under många decennier sett en minskning av tuberkulos (TBC), men infektionen har kontinuerligt ökat från 2003. Majoriteten av TBC-fallen är personer som är födda utanför Sverige. Hälsotillståndet har förbättrats i Sverige men det finns fortfarande problem. Kommunikationen mellan flyktingar och sjukvårdsspecialister är bristande idag, vilket resulterar att endast ett fåtal genomgår hälsokontroller. Detta kan leda till en ökning av infektioner och sjukdomar i Sverige. Denna studie undersöker hur hälsokommunikationen idag fungerar mellan den svenska sjukvården, nyanlända immigranter, asylsökande och flyktingar, samt vilken typ av vård som finns tillgänglig för flyktingar med hög risk för att utveckla TBC. Specifikt syftar studien till att förstå på vilket sätt kommunikation brister på samt analysera vilka sätt det finns för att en reducering av TBC i Sverige ska kunna ske och hur kommunikationen kan förbättras. Studien har genomförts med hjälp av både primära källor i form av intervjuer och sekundära källor. Baserat på de intervjuer och sekundära källor som genomförts i studien dras slutsatsen att trots att den svenska sjukvården utvecklas positivt så finns det en hel del brister - hälsokommunikation är bristande idag mellan nyanlända flyktingar, sjukvårdspersonal och myndigheter. En av huvudorsakerna som informanterna i studien nämnt är språket, mycket av det som skrivs och sägs är på svenska. Det är viktigt att en mer välfungerad hälsokommunikation utvecklas mellan de nyanlända flyktingarna, sjukvårdspersonal och myndigheterna för att det ska kunna underlättas för flyktingar att söka vård och samarbeta med sjukvårdspersonal med deras arbete för att kunna förhindra spridning av TBC och andra sjukdomar och infektioner i Sverige. / Sweden has for many decades witnessed a decrease of the spread of tuberculosis (TB), but between the years of 2003-2012 a new pattern has emerged with refugees carrying TB entering the country and contributing to a situation where the infection has slowly begun to spread again. The communication between the refugees and the health professionals has been inefficient, which inevitably results in fewer refugees undergoing health examinations. This in turn can lead to an increase of infections and diseases. The purpose of this study is to examine the current health communication between Swedish health professionals and immigrants, asylum seekers and refugees, and to give an overview of what type of health care currently exist for refugees with a high risk of TB. This is done to understand what is missing in the communication process, what has been done in order to improve the situation, and how it can be further improved in order to prevent TB. In order to fulfill the purpose of this study, a qualitative method has been used combining text analysis of interviews and secondary sources. This study has shown based on the interviews and secondary sources that the Swedish prevention work regarding TB is developing positively in general, but the communication between newly arrived refugees, health professionals and authorities in Sweden is lacking due to the fact that most of what is written and said in this communication process is in Swedish. This makes it difficult for the refugees to understand what is communicated and is stated as one of the main reasons why many refugees do not undergo health examinations, combined with the lack of awareness. Therefore a better functioning health communication between refugees, authorities and health professionals is required to support refugees seeking health care, as well as co-operating with health professionals to prevent the spread of not only TB but other infections and diseases in Sweden.

In the beginning of the 1990's Swedish immigration policy, which bad been considered liberal and generous, became increasingly restrictive. A number of domestic as well as international factors led to new restrictions that particularly affected Bosnians with Croatian passports who applied for asylum. They were the first refugee group subject to new policy regulations and practices called 'temporary protection' (TUT). They also became the object of experimentation with diverse ideas concerning the development of a new immigration policy that emphasized the notion of 'repatriation' as opposed to 'integration'. This study consists of five articles that analyse these complex social processes from different methodological angles, trying to connect micro issues with macro ones, global issues with national issues, and local phenomena with practices affecting the individual. The introductory article deals with the experience of leaving one's country though the narrative of a single woman. During her period of immigration, she had been exposed to different national interests, discriminatory legislation and a variety of refugee experiences. These experiences included persecution, flight and emigration that were related to conditions of immigration, refuge and exclusion. The second article shows how the refugees coped with the labyrinth of temporality caused by the new Swedish refugee and immigration policy. This policy had been developed against the backdrop of EU harmonisation and insisted on temporary protection and repatriation. The third article is a comparative analysis of immigration processes in two different munici­palities: Malmö and Karlskrona. This article shows that such different institutional contexts create different coping strategies among refugees. For example, Malmö as a large munici­pality with a long history of immigration is different from Karlskrona, which is a smaller town without such experiences with foreigners. Also, in Malmö there was no specific refugee camp whereas there was one in Karlskrona. The fourth article deals with the impact of the Swedish welfare state's austerity policy on the reception of local refugees. As a consequence of these changes, special relationships among refugees developed. These included both friendship and animosity as well as conflict and solidarity. Such relationships challenge the conventional wisdom that assumes that differences in ethnicity will only lead to conflicts among different groups. The fifth article examines the limits of this conventional wisdom. For example, while conflicts among different ethnic groups from the former Yugoslavia persist, solidarity among these groups has also developed as they respond to the difficulties of immigration and social exclusion. In order to analyse the complexity of a process that includes the global, local and individual levels, I developed a multifaceted theoretical approach. This thesis addresses four aspects of a refugee's status: essentialization, thera- peutization, 'problem' that refugees cause for international state system and exclusion. In this connection, my main conclusion is that the social position of being a refugee in particular, as well as processes of social inclusion in general, can only be understood if we move beyond essential and biological explanations and beyond culturalization and therapeutization. Instead, we must focus on social and structural explanations. / digitalisering@umu

Migration from non-SADe countries to South Africa has become the new trend of population movement in Southem Africa. This research was conducted with Ethiopian immigrants in Durban in an attempt to shed some insights into this new nexus. The aim of the study was to understand the experiences of Ethiopian immigrants before, during and after their migration. In-depth interviews were conducted with 15 Ethiopian immigrants in South Africa. The decision to migrate was mainly motivated by economic reasons. There were many contributing fac tors in making the decision to migrate. These included social networks, cost of travel, accessibility and availability of opportunities in South Africa. Ethiopian immigrants have used different travel routes and entry points to enter South Africa, both legally and illegally. They selected Durban as their destination city because of the availability of economic opportunities and the relatively less bureaucracy in government offices compared to other cities. Various literatures suggest that immigrants in South Africa and other parts of the world share the experiences of Ethiopian immigrants in South Africa in many ways. The findings of this research suggest that most Ethiopian immigrants in South Africa are involved in the informal economic sector. The target of their economic activities is mainly South Africans in the townships and Ethiopian immigrants themselves. This research also found that Ethiopian immigrants have not integrated with the local community. The study further explains some of the challenges Ethiopian immigrants face during their travel and stay in South Africa. Most of the Ethiopian immigrants stated that they do not intend to stay in South Africa for long. Most of them plan to go to economically more affluent countries like the United States of America. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2007.

Bill C-31 represents an important piece of policy in the history of Canadian citizenship. It takes its place in a dialog of policy and resistance about who &lsquo;gets in&rsquo; and who is excluded from Canadian citizenship. By critically reading the text of Bill C-31 through other policy texts, academic arguments and research, and activist texts, this analysis elucidates historical connections between relations of capital, immigration, labour, and the criminal justice system. It works from a materialist feminist framework, critical of race, gender, class, and sexual orientation as systems that work through one another in dialectical and historically specific ways. The analysis argues that Bill C-31 is a continuation of relations of capital and that a dialectical conceptualization can yield strategies for a revolutionary praxis that offers hope for the transformation of existing social relations towards new and more humane ways of relating to one another.

Using an empirical study of the Barundi refugee settlements of Ulyankulu, Mishamo, and particularly Katumba in Western Tanzania, this study argues that the causes and consequences of the African refugee problem must be examined outside the normative humanitarian framework. It postulates that the refugee problem can be understood only in the historical context of the integration of African communities into the capitalist system and their resultant underdevelopment. Furthermore, that the neo-colonial state, its class character, and ethnic divisions, aggravated by economic crisis, fosters a climate of repression - prompting forced migration. The unequal relationship between western capital and Tanzania is exemplified in the microcosm of the refugee phenomenon, where international/ regional policy, legislation, security considerations, and aid not only demobilize a potential political force, but usurp the authority of the national and local state. Donor/state/refugee relationships are further discussed in the context of the settlements. The schemes, located in remote areas and with tight restrictions on mobility, while providing a humanitarian solution, act as mechanisms for the control of the Barundi refugees. Utilization of their labour is intentionally part of Tanzania's development strategy. Settlement and integration are discussed in relation to the contribution of Barundi people to the development of commodity production in Tanzania both historically and with regard to their current potential. While dismissing the notion of an undifferentiated mass of refugees, this study reveals how donor activities and the objective material conditions of the rural areas contribute to commodity production and mercantilist activities with increasing inequalities. It concludes that large groups of refugees in rural areas will inevitably heighten local tensions, and that only through greater x political liberalization' - removal of restrictions on mobility and political representation, will Barundi refugees gain control of their lives, and Tanzania's long-standing goal of the liberation of African peoples be realized.