There is a tendency in education theory to place the focus on the consequences of racial hegemony (racism, Eurocentric education, low performance by racial minorities) and ignore that race is antecedent to these consequences. This dissertation explores the treatment of race within critical theory in education. I conduct a metaphysical analysis to examine the race concept as it emerges from the works of various critical theorists in education. This examination shows how some scholars affirm the scientifically discredited race concept by offering racial essentialist approaches for emancipatory education. I argue that one of consequences of these approaches is the further tightening of racial constraints on the student’s personal autonomy. This mandates that critical theorists gain a deeper understanding of race as a problem, conceptually, epistemically, ideologically, and existentially. I argue that critical theorists of education draw from work conducted in the philosophy of race by theorists such as K. Anthony Appiah, Jorge Gracia, Charles Mills, and Naomi Zack to gain insights on the metaphysics of race to better inform theory and praxis. I further recommend the creation of a critical philosophy of race in education to address and combat race as a problem and its consequences. I contend that the groundwork for philosophy of race in education must entail strategies that encourage and assist theorists and teachers to move toward the elimination of the race in society, while utilizing race only as heuristic tool to address its consequences. Additionally, I argue that a philosophy of race in education must advocate for an education for autonomy as a means to racial liberation for students.

This thesis aims to investigate the traces of multicultural implications in Joachim Heinrich Campe’s Robinson der Jüngere 1779/80. On one level, Campe’s adaptation of Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe appears to awaken or sustain potential colonial fantasies among its German readers. However, Campe’s Robinson der Jüngere does not follow colonial conventions, such as exhibited in Defoe, but instead depicts a society based much more on the concept of a common humanity shared by Europeans and Caribbean natives alike. It conceives of cooperation and exchange as a mutual gain for both parties. Robinson’s island functions as a kind of social testing ground offering opportunities for trial runs of Campe’s social-utopian concepts. In this way, the society Campe portrays offers an implicit critique of the colonial realities in his era as practiced by the European colonial powers. Thus, Robinson der Jüngere goes beyond the obvious pedagogical aim, inspired by Rousseau, to raise pious, self-sufficient and industrious citizens. Instead its underlying socio-political message deserves attention. In comparison with Defoe, Campe distances himself from practices of then-current colonial behavior, such as slavery and self-enrichment from exploiting natural resources. Among the indications that Campe was attempting to establish an ideal alternative to the colonialism of his era are his depictions of an amicable bond between Robinson and Freitag, the marriages of Europeans and natives and even the distinct wish of the Spaniards and Englishmen to remain in the ideal society Robinson had crafted on his island, rather than returning to Europe. The international success of Robinson der Jüngere suggests the lasting influence it had on generations of readers. In the analysis I present, Campe subliminally educates the listening children in the book and the reading public to become open-minded citizens of future societies.

Haitian university students represent a part of the increasing diversity of Haitian migrants in the Dominican Republic. Using an ethnographic approach, I explore university students’ motivations for studying in the Dominican Republic, their experiences at Dominican universities and in Dominican society, Haitian student organizations, and their future plans. Additionally, I focus on Haitian students’ experiences with discrimination and how they relate to other Haitian migrants in the Dominican Republic. I find that most students come to the Dominican Republic due to the difficulty of gaining entrance to affordable Haitian universities and logistical convenience. The university is a unique setting where Haitian and Dominican students are clearly peers, which results in increased interactions between the two groups and decreased discrimination towards Haitian students. However, Haitian students remain a relatively isolated group within the university and in the larger Dominican society. Many students reported experiencing discrimination, although students identified class, rather than race or nationality, as the main reason for discrimination. Furthermore, I focused on the role of language in migrants’ experiences. I found that while a high command of Spanish allowed migrants to avoid identification as Haitian and subsequent discrimination, Kreyòl was used as a resource to create solidarity and maintain cultural ties to Haiti. My research suggests that it is important to keep in mind the distinct notions of race and nationality in Haiti and in the Dominican Republic when considering contemporary struggles for the rights of Haitian migrants and their descendants in the Dominican Republic.

The trials of a comfort woman was never revealed after the conclusion of WWII. More than half a century has passed before the name was uttered on the international stage. Why the sudden break of silence? What is the response of the Japanese government. In this paper, we discuss the issue of the comfort women and the the political implications it holds on Japan. Japan's failure to accept wartime reparation, largely due to Allied intervention, has resulted in the widening gap between Japan and Asia. This paper focuses on the combination of increased US influence as a result of the San Francisco Treaty of 1951 and Japan’s fervent nationalistic identity served to widen the gap between Japan and other East and Southeast Asian nations, making reconciliation over the issue of comfort women a problem that remains unresolved to this day.

This thesis aims to investigate the traces of multicultural implications in Joachim Heinrich Campe’s Robinson der Jüngere 1779/80. On one level, Campe’s adaptation of Defoe’s Robinson Crusoe appears to awaken or sustain potential colonial fantasies among its German readers. However, Campe’s Robinson der Jüngere does not follow colonial conventions, such as exhibited in Defoe, but instead depicts a society based much more on the concept of a common humanity shared by Europeans and Caribbean natives alike. It conceives of cooperation and exchange as a mutual gain for both parties. Robinson’s island functions as a kind of social testing ground offering opportunities for trial runs of Campe’s social-utopian concepts. In this way, the society Campe portrays offers an implicit critique of the colonial realities in his era as practiced by the European colonial powers. Thus, Robinson der Jüngere goes beyond the obvious pedagogical aim, inspired by Rousseau, to raise pious, self-sufficient and industrious citizens. Instead its underlying socio-political message deserves attention. In comparison with Defoe, Campe distances himself from practices of then-current colonial behavior, such as slavery and self-enrichment from exploiting natural resources. Among the indications that Campe was attempting to establish an ideal alternative to the colonialism of his era are his depictions of an amicable bond between Robinson and Freitag, the marriages of Europeans and natives and even the distinct wish of the Spaniards and Englishmen to remain in the ideal society Robinson had crafted on his island, rather than returning to Europe. The international success of Robinson der Jüngere suggests the lasting influence it had on generations of readers. In the analysis I present, Campe subliminally educates the listening children in the book and the reading public to become open-minded citizens of future societies.

En tant qu'acteur important de la vie politique québécoise, le mouvement des femmes a réussi à garantir de nouveaux droits pour les femmes et a fortement contribué à améliorer leurs conditions de vie. Cependant, son incapacité à reconnaître et à prendre en compte les expériences particulières des femmes qui vivent de multiple discriminations a été critiquée entre autres par les femmes autochtones, les femmes de couleur, les femmes immigrantes, les lesbiennes et les femmes handicapées. Par exemple, dans les 40 dernières années, un nombre croissant de femmes immigrantes et racisées se sont organisées en parallèle au mouvement pour défendre leurs intérêts spécifiques. Dans ce mémoire, je me penche sur la façon dont le mouvement des femmes québécois a répondu à leurs demandes de reconnaissance et adapté ses pratiques pour inclure les femmes de groupes ethniques et raciaux minoritaires. Bien que la littérature sur l'intersectionalité ait fourni de nombreuses critiques des tentatives des mouvements sociaux d'inclure la diversité, seulement quelques recherches se sont penchées sur la façon dont les organisations tiennent compte, dans leurs pratiques et discours, des identités et intérêts particuliers des groupes qui sont intersectionnellement marginalisés. En me basant sur la littérature sur l'instersectionnalité et les mouvements sociaux, j'analyse un corpus de 24 entretiens effectués auprès d'activistes travaillant dans des associations de femmes au Québec afin d'observer comment elles comprennent et conceptualisent les différences ethniques et raciales et comment cela influence en retour leurs stratégies d'inclusion. Je constate que la façon dont les activistes conceptualisent l'interconnexion des rapports de genre et de race/ethnicité en tant qu'axes d'oppression des femmes a un impact sur les plateformes politiques des organisations, sur les stratégies qu'elles mettent de l'avant pour favoriser l'inclusion et l'intégration des femmes immigrantes et racisées et sur leur capacité à travailler en coalition. / As an important actor in Québécois political life, the women's movement has been successful at obtaining new rights for women and ameliorating their life conditions. However, its inability to recognize and take into account the particular experiences of women who are discriminated on more than one basis has been criticized by Aboriginal women, women of color, immigrant women, lesbians and women with disabilities, among others. For instance, in the last decades, an increasing number of immigrant and racialized women have organized separately to defend their specific interests. In this thesis, I explore the way in which the Québécois women's movement has responded to their struggles for recognition and adapted its practices to include women from ethnic and racial minority groups. Although intersectionality theory has provided numerous critiques of social movements' attempts at being inclusive of diversity, only a few researches have examined how organizations take into account the specific identities and interests of intersectionally marginalized groups in their practices and discourses. Drawing on intersectionality theory and social movements literature, I analyze a set of 24 interviews conducted with activists working in women's organizations in Quebec to look at how they understand and conceptualize ethnic and racial differences and how this shapes their strategies for inclusion. I find that the way in which activists conceptualize the interconnected character of gender and race/ethnicity as axes that create women's experiences of oppression shapes organizations' political platforms, the strategies they put forth to foster the inclusion and integration of immigrant and racialized women and their capacity to engage in coalition work.

Since the end of World War II, and especially over the past three decades, there has been a dramatic increase of interactions between international financial institutions (IFIs) and states. This paper will explore these interactions by examining the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). This paper rests on the assumption that the complex implications of these interactions are not yet comprehensively understood and will move towards that goal by setting forth a collection of new approaches to further understand IFI-state interaction. It will discuss Jordan’s economic and political history, structural adjustment policies implemented by the IMF, and responses and consequences of such policy on economic, cultural, and political dimensions. Then, theories on sovereignty, identity, nationalism and colonialism will be applied to Jordan-IMF interaction in order to suggest new ways of understanding the implications of IFI-state interaction.

This thesis presents an ethnographic account of the everyday meanings and processes associated with the idea of ‘community’ within the London neighbourhood of Kilburn. In policy and popular discourse, community is cast both as somehow able to unite people across difference, and as under threat from the proliferation of difference, which is seen as impeding mutual understanding, cooperation and belonging. Within scholarly writing, ‘community’ is often challenged as too archaic, too rigid or too ambiguous a concept to provide sufficient analytical leverage or to work as a normative ideal. Against this background, my PhD takes a look the neighbourhood of Kilburn, where amidst significant diversity, tropes of community are still widely used. I investigate how residents imagine various forms of community in relation to diversity, as well as the connections and discontinuities between these various imaginings. I draw on 16 months of ethnographic fieldwork, following over a dozen community projects and groups, tracing informal local networks and getting to know residents individually. My ethnography ranges from community cafes, to religious youth groups, to urban ‘gangs’, to government-led urban regeneration projects. Despite the variation in how different individuals imagined ‘community’, there was a shared view of community as a space which facilitated the bridging of difference and the construction of shared moral projects. These spaces did not exist sui generis. Rather they were opened up through the balancing of two traits: fixity and fluidity. Fixity involved defining community in terms of a clearly identifiable and familiar set of boundary markers, which serve to give it an ‘objective’ existence. Fluidity involved suspending this attempt to define community in terms of the familiar, once people were involved, in order to allow for new, shared understandings and values to emerge. The first two chapters unpack this balancing of fixity and fluidity. Chapter 1, traces inclusion and exclusion in a range of community projects, and Chapter 2 looks at tropes of race and ethnicity, examining how such ideas might be treated as simultaneously fixed and fluid. . The two chapters unpack the transformational power of community. Chapter 3 looks at a community centre for young Muslims, as well as at a local community radio station, and argues that community spaces have the potential to foster an ethic of continual openness to difference. Chapter 4 looks at a group of ‘street youth’ and their diverse views of success, and argues that community can act as a collective repository of future potential, allowing community members to transform their ethical trajectory within their own lives. The final two chapters look at contestations over community. Chapter 5 looks at clashing uses of public spaces and argues that such spaces are often read in highly fixed ways, and as lacking the potential for community-like negotiations. Chapter 6 looks at local regeneration projects and contrasts the ways in which community is valued locally, to the ways in which it is valued by state and market actors. The thesis concludes by emphasizing the necessarily plural, dynamic, contested and grounded nature of the idea of community described here.

Interest in Muslim and Arab societies has been on the rise in South Korea, especially since 2001, with many books and various documentaries being published on the subject. Since 2005 there have been a number of television shows and documentaries that include Muslim, and sometimes Arab characters. This study will examine how images of Muslims and Arabs are presented in Korean popular culture through the analysis of various dramas and variety shows, as well as how these images fit into the context of Korean ethno-nationalism and the history of Islam in East Asia. In addition to this analysis this study will also be exploring how these images have been changing from negative to a more sympathetic or realistic depiction of Muslims and Arabs, as well as explore which groups are responsible for this change.

This thesis uses in-depth analysis of historical Los Angeles Times articles to trace the changing representations of the Latino community in the media. Focusing on themes of patriotism and citizenship, this thesis draws out the subtleties of syntax and semantics that silently influence public opinion. The Zoot Suit Riots and the Chicano Moratorium serve as the main historical backdrop, leading to a concluding exploration of Donald Trump’s campaign rhetoric surrounding immigration and the Latino community.