This paper examines the prevalence of sexual violence in American media with particular focus on attitudes of sexual violence as a contribution to rape culture. Included is a content analysis of the prevalence of sexually violent lyrics in popular rap music, and a literature review of articles and studies on the effects of sexually violent media. The media discussed in the literature review includes films, television, and pornography. The relationship between the presence of sexually violent media and its impact on public opinion on sexual assault and rape proclivity are analyzed. The literature reviewed includes studies on differences in response to sexually violent media based on gender. Also included are explanation and summary of a study utilizing the excitation transfer theory and the social learning theory as they apply to the understanding of the perpetuation of rape myth acceptance based in the viewing of sexually violent media. These studies utilize the rape myth acceptance scale, the acceptance of interpersonal violence scale, and the adversarial sexual beliefs scale, among other scales of measurement to assess rape myth acceptance and rape proclivity. The high prevalence of sexual assault in the United States calls for an analysis of the acceptance of beliefs that perpetuate sexual assault and the media which support and increase the presence of these beliefs.

Recently, expert testimony in sexual assault trials shifted from an emphasis on Rape Trauma Syndrome (RTS) to Posttraumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and experts have tied these diagnoses either loosely or tightly to the victim’s condition following sexual assault. In the current study, 326 jury-eligible adults completed a survey on Amazon Mechanical Turk in which they read a synopsis of a sexual assault trial and an expert testimony with either RTS, PTSD or neither; along with either no, loose, or tight links made between the diagnosis and the victim’s condition. There was no main effect of diagnosis label but testimony linkage did have an effect on verdicts. Women gave more guilty verdicts due to their lower levels of Rape Myth Acceptance (RMA), and the effect of gender partially depended on RMA. Implications for how expert testimony can affect defendants’ and plaintiffs’ credibility are discussed.

abstract: Many authors have shown that "real victim," "real rape," and traditional gender role stereotypes affect how people attribute blame to victims and perpetrators of sexual assault, and that jury decisions in rape cases are likewise influenced by extralegal factors, such as how much the victim resisted. Most studies only focus on the acceptance of rape myths and stereotypes about female victims, while myths and stereotypes about male victims are largely ignored. It is unknown how female rape myth acceptance (FRMA) and male rape myth acceptance (MRMA) may differently affect victim and perpetrator blame attributions. Whether the juror influences the effect of extra-legal factors on rape perceptions is also unknown. Using a randomized vignette design, the current study investigates 1) the effect of rape myth acceptance and gender attitudes on victim and perpetrator blame attributions, 2) how blame attributions differ by victim gender, level of resistance, and victim-perpetrator relationship, and 3) how the juror role influences the effects of rape myth acceptance and extra-legal factors on blame attributions. Results show that FRMA and MRMA are both positively associated with victim blame and negatively associated with perpetrator blame, that male victims are blamed more than female victims, and that jury membership does not influence the effect of extra-legal factors on blame attributions. Victim resistance and victim-perpetrator relationship also affected rape perceptions in unexpected ways. Implications for rape prevention programing, police and prosecutor decision-making, and jury selection are discussed. / Dissertation/Thesis / Masters Thesis Criminology and Criminal Justice 2017

Using a purposive sampling technique, this study employed an online questionnaire to assess the relationship between attitudes towards gender-related constructs (e.g. rape myth acceptance, shared power in relationships, the acceptability of dating violence and perceived seriousness of dating violence) and the tolerance of dating violence among undergraduate students in the Faculty of Social Science at the University of Ottawa. Linear regression models were conducted to identify the most salient predictors of the tolerance of dating violence. A general/combined model was examined as well as three subtype-specific models (e.g. psychological, physical and sexual dating violence). A total of seven predictor variables were entered into each model in three blocks: sociodemographic variables were entered first, followed by sex and then gender-related constructs (e.g. rape myth acceptance, power in relationships, the acceptability and seriousness of dating violence). The results identify a number of variables that are associated with the tolerance of dating violence scales and some that led to a decrease in scores on these scales. Findings suggest that the link between gender-related constructs and the tolerance of dating violence is complex and multidimensional and warrants further research to explain the variation observed.

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Recent political and legal action has raised awareness about underreporting of sexual assaults on college campuses. The present study sought to identify psychological and institutional barriers to reporting sexual assaults through a series of questionnaires administered to current college students (N= 364). To investigate the relationship between policy variations and students’ likelihood of reporting, a 2 (option to report informally versus only formally) x 2 (student involvement in investigation/judicial board: involved versus uninvolved) x 2 (option to terminate an investigation: entirely in student’s control versus up to discretion of administration) between groups factorial design was used. The findings suggest that respondents’ were significantly more likely to report a sexual assault when given the option to terminate the investigation at anytime, when school size, rape myth acceptance and socio-cultural environment were controlled for in the analysis. These findings suggest that the option for complainants to terminate an investigation, their socio-cultural environment and individual rape myth acceptance are important factors in shaping attitudes towards reporting sexual assaults.

Sexual assault is a growing concern across college campuses in the United States. According to the Sexual Victimization of College Women study, the victimization rate is 27.7 rapes per 1,000 ­­­­women students (Fisher, Cullen, & Turner, 2000). In response to the high prevalence of sexual assault, college campuses are now mandated to implement various forms of sexual assault prevention programming. Sexual assault prevention programming is intended to promote awareness of sexual assault and reduce the prevalence of sexual assault on college campuses. Numerous studies have examined the short term effectiveness of sexual assault prevention programs (e.g., Anderson & Whiston, 2005). However, few studies have explored the effectiveness of repeated, annual prevention program participation on rape supportive beliefs. In addition, studies that have explored the efficacy of prevention programs have tended to rely exclusively on self-report measures and some have only focused on outcomes among men or women groups only. The purpose of the present study was to examine the impact of level of participation and gender in sexual assault prevention training on rape myth acceptance (RMA) and response latency to a hypothetical date rape scenario among a sample of Western college students. Results revealed no significant relationships between higher levels of sexual assault prevention programming participation and RMA scores and latency times. Additionally, there were no gender differences on IRMA scores or response latency. Findings have important implications for future sexual assault prevention programming efforts on college campuses and community settings.

Sexual trauma within the military is a widespread issue, and rape myth acceptance has been shown to contribute to its prevalence. Given that the military culture has been shown to lend itself to hypermasculinity and traditional gender role adherence, both of which facilitate aggression toward women, this effect warrants investigation within a military sample. The present study replicated and expanded upon Aosved and Long's (2006) study examining 85 veteran and active duty military members' responses on the Illinois Rape Myth Acceptance Scale, Attitudes Toward Women Scale (short form), Neosexism Scale, Male Role Norms Inventory (short form), Modern and Old Fashioned Racism Scale, Modern Homophobia Scale, a modified version of the Economic Belief Scale, Fraboni Scale of Ageism, Religious Intolerance Scale, and the Marlowe–Crowne Social Desirability Scale (short form). Findings provide support for the co-occurrence of rape myth acceptance with intolerant attitudes, including sexism, hypermasculine gender role ideology, racism, sexual prejudice, classism, ageism, and religious intolerance, both individually and collectively. These results provide insight into the functioning of intolerant attitudes within a military sample, and provide important insight for future research addressing the association between rape myth acceptance and rape proclivity and the perpetration of military sexual assault.

Le mouvement féministe des années 1970 et 1980 a engendré des changements sociaux profonds en Amérique du Nord, notamment en ce qui a trait aux agressions sexuelles. Ces changements sociaux se sont traduits, à partir de 1983, par des modifications législatives importantes au Canada. Les études ayant suivi ces changements ont examiné la coercition sexuelle dans la population non délinquante. Une des conclusions notables de ces études est l’existence d’un chiffre noir important en ce qui concerne les agressions sexuelles. En effet, les études réalisées dans les années 1980 ne tenaient pas compte des femmes en tant qu’agresseurs, car le phénomène était perçu comme étant typiquement masculin. Ce n’est qu’à partir des années 1990 qu’un intérêt se forme concernant la coercition sexuelle commise par les femmes. Il est alors révélé que certaines attitudes et croyances soutiennent l’agression sexuelle tant chez les femmes que chez les hommes. Des similitudes sont également établies entre la coercition sexuelle des femmes et des hommes. Peu d’études existent sur la prévalence de la coercition sexuelle en considérant autant les femmes que les hommes comme agresseurs potentiels. Il est important d’examiner les attitudes et croyances par rapport à la coercition sexuelle dans la population non délinquante au Québec indépendamment du genre. Pour ce faire, nous avons construit un sondage en ligne via l’outil Survey Monkey. Ce sondage comprend quatre mesures afin d’examiner les attitudes en lien avec les croyances erronées entourant le viol, l’hostilité envers les femmes, l’acceptation de la violence interpersonnelle, ainsi que les croyances antagonistes et le conservatisme sexuel. Un cinquième instrument a été utilisé afin de mesurer les expériences sexuelles de victimisation et de coercition. L’échantillon comprend 354 étudiants(es) de l’Université de Montréal provenant de diverses associations étudiantes. Les principaux résultats montrent que les femmes rapportent moins de croyances antagonistes que les hommes. Toutefois, il n’y a aucune différence entre les femmes et les hommes en ce qui concerne les croyances erronées entourant le viol, l’hostilité envers les femmes, l’acceptation de la violence interpersonnelle, les croyances antagonistes et le conservatisme sexuel. En ce qui concerne les comportements sexuels, les femmes rapportent davantage de victimisation sexuelle que les hommes. Peu de coercition sexuelle est rapportée tant par les femmes que les hommes. Par contre, les hommes affirment avoir commis plus de coercition sexuelle que les femmes. Les résultats montrent aussi que l’hostilité envers les femmes prédit la victimisation sexuelle chez les femmes. Par ailleurs, les croyances erronées entourant le viol prédisent les comportements sexuels coercitifs chez les femmes alors que le conservatisme sexuel prédit la coercition sexuelle chez les hommes. En outre, les résultats montrent que la victimisation sexuelle prédit les comportements sexuels coercitifs tant chez les femmes que chez les hommes. / Feminist movements in the 1970s and 1980s brought about profound social changes in North America, such as the occurrence of sexual assaults. These social changes were translated into legislative modifications in Canada, as of 1983. The studies following these changes examined sexual coercion in non-delinquent populations. One of the notable conclusions of these studies is the existence of a significant dark figure with respect to sexual assaults. Indeed, studies done in the 1980s did not take into account female aggressors, as the phenomenon was perceived to be typically one attributed to males. Academic interest in sexual coercion committed by females is rooted in studies published in the 1990s. It was revealed that certain attitudes and beliefs are associated with the trivialization of sexual assault in women and in men. Similarities were also established between sexual coercion committed by males and females. Little studies on the prevalence of sexual coercion have considered both men and women as potential aggressors. It is important to examine the attitudes and beliefs related to sexual coercion in the non-delinquent populations of Quebec. An online survey was conducted using Survey Monkey. This survey contained four measures to examine attitudes associated to erroneous beliefs regarding rape, hostility against females, tolerance of interpersonal violence, as well as antagonistic beliefs and sexual conservatism. A fifth instrument was used to measure sexual experiences, both in terms of victimization and coercion. The sample contained 354 students of the Université de Montréal coming from various student associations. The main results showed that females report less antagonistic beliefs than males. However, no differences were found between females and males regarding rape myth acceptance, hostility toward women, acceptance of interpersonal violence, adversarial sexual beliefs and sexual conservatism. In terms of sexual behaviors, females reported more sexual victimization than males. Little sexual coercion was reported in females and males. Results, however, showed that males had committed more sexual coercion than females. Additionally, it was found that hostility towards women predicted sexual victimization in females. Further, erroneous beliefs on rape predicted coercive sexual behaviors in women, whereas sexual conservatism predicted sexual coercion in women. Finally, sexual victimization predicted coercive sexual behaviors in both females and males.