自一九四八年以色列建國以來, 美國和以色列便已建立外交關係,從布魯 門到布希, 先後歷經九位總統, 美以雙方在彼此認定的利益上,建立了錯 縱複雜的雙邊關係。用傳統的權力理論, 並無法解釋美以關係作為分析美 以關係的軸線, 用美以關係的發展為背景, 探討美國對以色列政策的演變 。除了對杜魯門到卡特時期略作分析之外, 本文特別將重點放在美以關係 最密切的雷根政府時期與最疏遠的布希政府時期。

The incarceration rate in the United States has increased dramatically in the period since 1945. How did the United States move from having stable incarceration rates in line with global norms to the largest system of incarceration in the world? This study examines the political and intellectual aspects of incarceration and theories of criminal justice by looking at the contributions of journalists, intellectuals and policy makers to the debate on whether the purpose of the justice system is rehabilitation, vengeance, deterrence or incapacitation. This thesis finds that justice and the institution of the prison itself are not immutable facts of modern civilization, but are human institutions vulnerable to the influence of politics, culture and current events.

In 1980, Ronald Reagan became the fortieth president of the United States following an election that was said to have presaged a political turn to the right in that country. This thesis identifies three broad historical themes that characterised the period in the immediate aftermath of the 1980 election. Firstly, there was the notion that the voting public was becoming more conservative in its choices in federal politics. This is tested by looking at voter behaviour in the 1982 midterm elections. Secondly, the idea that the liberal-conservative dialectic was becoming less important in United States politics is examined using as a framework the actions and statements of prominent liberals. Thirdly, the thesis examines the accuracy of prognoses that were being made about liberalism as a viable political entity in the wake of the 1980 elections. These themes are examined via a series of parallel, occasionally overlapping narratives, following the main strands of liberal activity and thought in one state California in the early 1980s. Many of the sources used were derived from commentary that was being made as events unfolded. The debate about the meaning of the 1980 election therefore changes and this change is part of the story told here. Answering some questions also involved using source material that was more reflective. Hence, parts of the thesis are historiographical. Despite its political content, this thesis is a work of history. It examines the drama of men and women acting within their time, bound by the world around them, but also trying to change that world.

abstract: The historiography of the Vietnam War's effect on American society and culture often focuses on the public image of its veterans. Historians and other scholars credit liberal and apolitical Vietnam veterans for reshaping Americans' opinions of those who served. These men deserve significant recognition for these changes; however, historians consistently overlook another aspect this topic. Conservative Republicans in the mid-1970s through the early 1990s made a concerted effort to alter how Americans viewed Vietnam veterans and their performance in the conflict. The few scholars who have examined this issue suggest conservatives wanted to quell Americans' distaste for military endeavors after the loss in Southeast Asia, a concept known as the Vietnam Syndrome. This dissertation argues conservatives' efforts were more complex than simply wanting to break down the syndrome. The war and its loss threatened their understandings of the exceptional nature of the United States. This notion of exceptionalism stemmed from the immense success of the country territorially, economically, and in the international system, accomplishments realized with the assistance of the American military. The performance of the military establishment and its soldiers in the Vietnam War and the negative international and domestic opinions of the country in the wake of this loss threatened those elements of American success that conservatives viewed as imperative to maintaining the idea of exceptionalism and the power of the United States. As a result, a disparate group of conservative Republicans in the post-Vietnam era attempted to alter American understandings of the nation's martial tradition and the concept of martial masculinity, both ravaged by the war. This dissertation adds another layer to the historiography of the effects of the Vietnam War by arguing that conservatives not only shored up Americans' belief in the martial tradition and reshaped the definition of martial masculinity, but that they also significantly influenced Americans' newfound positive opinions of Vietnam veterans. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation History 2014

Even though the Cold War ended almost 30 years ago, it has been one the most discussed phenomenon not only among IR scholars but also within the public. The whole Cold War discourse addresses many controversial question and who ended the Cold War is one of these questions. Basically, there are two schools of thought, one of which gives the credit to General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union Mikhail Gorbachev and his reform policies. The second one perceives the US President Ronald Reagan and his unapologetic foreign policy as the most decisive factor in the End of the Cold War. By employing the methodology of analysis, this thesis aims to assess the impact of Ronald Reagan and his foreign policy on the End of the Cold War. This thesis tests the hypothesis that Ronald Reagan and his foreign policy were the most decisive factor in the End of the Cold War.

The incarceration rate in the United States has increased dramatically in the period since 1945. How did the United States move from having stable incarceration rates in line with global norms to the largest system of incarceration in the world? This study examines the political and intellectual aspects of incarceration and theories of criminal justice by looking at the contributions of journalists, intellectuals and policy makers to the debate on whether the purpose of the justice system is rehabilitation, vengeance, deterrence or incapacitation. This thesis finds that justice and the institution of the prison itself are not immutable facts of modern civilization, but are human institutions vulnerable to the influence of politics, culture and current events.

This article examines the role of epideictic rhetoric as a tool for promoting civic virtue in the public realm through the application of Kenneth Burke's theory of identification and John Dewey's explanation of an aesthetic experience. Long the jurisdiction of Aristotle's logical arguments, civic discussion usually works within the realm of forensic or deliberative persuasion. However, scholarship in the last fifty years suggests there is an unexplored dimension of Aristotle's discussion of epideictic and emotion that needs to be examined in an attempt to identify its usefulness as a tool for examining human experience and practical behavior in the political realm. I attempt to add to the discussion by exploring the presidential funerals of Abraham Lincoln, John F. Kennedy, and Ronald Reagan as opportunities for a nation to display a hero's virtues as extensions of society's virtues. Virtues often define what a nation considers good which, in turn, influences the nature of the discussion and often determines political action.

The purpose of this study was to examine the effects of soft power versus hard power in U.S. policy towards Latin America. In recent years America's unipolar moment has been challenged from populist leaders in the region to its inability to get a handle on the flow of illegal immigrants and illicit drugs that reach its shores. This thesis is a step to understanding the difference between power and influence as well as the effects of hard power and soft power in U.S. foreign policy. A historical comparative case study analysis has been conducted utilizing the cases of FDR's Good Neighbor policy and Reagan's contra war policies. This qualitative approach examined specific short-term and long-term goals of each policy and analyzed each strategy's ability to achieve those stated goals. The results of the study reveal that both soft and hard power approaches can have positive as well as negative effects on American influence in Latin America.

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