This research investigates the impact of disruptions and regional integration on agricultural and food trade, relying on a unique international and intranational (domestic) agri-food trade dataset and structural gravity. In the first chapter, we investigate the impact of animal diseases on trade of animal-based products. We found that animal disease outbreaks decrease exports by 4% on average per year, amounting to annualized losses of 96 billion of 2019 USD. Trade quantities decline by 8% (51 million tons) on average per year. Impacts are mostly concentrated on consumer products (mainly pork), and low-income and lower-medium-income exporting countries. Our results suggest that animal diseases affect more domestic markets than foreign ones, and that dependent importers are the most sensitive to animal disease outbreaks abroad. Lastly, participation in the same RTA is found to mitigate animal diseases' trade impact, showing another potential channel through which regional integration could affect members' trade. In the second chapter, we explore the effect of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) on agricultural and food trade flows. We consider the entire official lifetime of the agreement, including its 14-years phase-in period, which allow us to offer a comprehensive evaluation of one of the biggest trade agreements on agri-food trade. NAFTA is found to increase members' trade on average by 54%, corresponding to 11.9 billion of 2020 USD, annually. Trade involving Mexico, and especially Canada-Mexico, has increased substantially showing that trade agreements between developed and developing countries could be beneficial to both members. NAFTA's impact is found to be heterogeneous by products with cereals experiencing the biggest increase. Trade of products incompletely liberalized by NAFTA such as dairy, poultry, and eggs, did not increase as much as the trade of liberalized products. We do not find evidence of trade diversion, suggesting that NAFTA's agri-food trade gains did not come at the expense of trading with other partners. Lastly, NAFTA appears to be more trade enhancing (about four times more) than other agreements of Canada, Mexico and the U.S. (e.g. Canada-E.U., or Mexico-Brazil, or U.S.-Korea.) In the third chapter, we question whether trade agreements alleviate the impact of shocks on trade. More specifically, we investigate if RTAs mitigate the impact of exchange rate (ER) volatility on agri-food trade. We found that RTAs amplify the effect of ER volatility on agri-food trade. The trade impact of ER volatility on RTA members is found to be positive, suggesting that members' agri-food trade benefits from ER volatility, contrary to non-members' trade. This could result from larger profits from arbitrage due to reduced trade costs between RTA members. Our results display a strong heterogeneity according to sectors, exporters and importers' income, and level of integration of RTA. Only Partial Scope Agreements, the lowest regional integration level, amplify the effect of ER volatility on members' agri-food trade. / Doctor of Philosophy / This research evaluates the impact of factors that cause trade disruption and the impact of trade agreements on agricultural and food trade. In the first chapter, we investigate the impact of animal diseases on trade of animal-related products. Findings indicate that animal diseases decrease the value of trade on average 4% annually, amounting to 96 billion of 2019 USD annualized loss. Trade quantities are reduced by 8%, or 51 million tons yearly on average. This impact differs with respect to animal diseases, products, and income levels of countries. Animal diseases affect more the domestic market, while countries depending to foreign suppliers are those affected the most by animal disease outbreaks abroad. Regional trade agreements (RTAs) mitigate the impact of animal diseases, showing that trade integration could benefit their members beyond the lowering their tariffs. In the second chapter, we evaluate the impact of the North American Free Trade Agreement on agri-food trade. We found that NAFTA increased members' trade by 54%, amounting to 11.9 billion of 2020 USD annually on average. NAFTA's trade gains were distributed heterogeneously across members, with trade between Canada and Mexico recording the largest proportional gains. Cereals recorded substantial gains during NAFTA, while the trade of beef and vegetables also increased. The trade though of some products that did not become completely tariff-free by members, such as eggs, dairy, and poultry, underperformed. Lastly, NAFTA increased Canada, Mexico, and U.S. trade about 4.5 times more than the other agreements signed by the three countries. In the third chapter, we investigate whether RTAs mitigate the impact of exchange rate (ER) volatility on agri-food trade. The results suggest that RTAs amplify the impact of ER volatility, however, this is in favor of RTA members, since the impact of ER volatility on their trade is positive. The results are heterogeneous across sectors, incomes of exporters and importers, and extent of liberalization by RTAs. Partial Scope Agreements, the lowest level of trade liberalizing agreements, are the only type of RTAs that amplify (or affect in general) the effect of ER volatility on members' agri-food trade.

There is enough evidence on how climate change consequences will adversely affect Africa despite the fact that it is the continent that has least contributed to the problem. The international climate change regime recognises Africa's vulnerability to climate change and provides for special treatment under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (the UNFCCC). Thus, the international climate change regime presents an opportunity for African countries to adapt and mitigate the consequences of climate change through the UNFCCC mechanism. However, the international climate change legal regime has not been able to adequately assist African countries to address the consequences of climate change under the vulnerability principle. Although the current international climate change regime requires developed countries to reduce their greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, Africa needs to take steps itself to address the problem, because it is most vulnerable to the consequences of climate change. The African Union (AU) could play a great role in ensuring that the international climate change regime addresses the consequences of climate change in the region. This could be done through fostering strong African common positions during international climate change negotiations. A strong common position could strengthen African bargaining power and might result in more funding, capacity building and technology development and transfer for adaptation and mitigation programmes under the UNFCCC-Kyoto Conference of Parties. However, reaching a strong common position requires the cooperation of the AU member states. In this context, African regional integration is an opportunity for the AU to foster such cooperation among member states. The Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community (the Abuja Treaty), the Constitutive Act of the AU and the Protocol on the Relations between the AU and Regional Economic Communities (RECs) prioritise regional economic integration and call for states' cooperation, but the call has not yet been heeded. To realise deep and viable African integration, there must be a well-structured institutional and legal framework that defines the relationship between the AU, the AEC and the RECs. African regional integration is also seen as an avenue whereby the AU can create its own regional climate-change regime. In this regard, the AU's and RECs' normative framework on climate change is examined in order to assess whether it adequately integrates climate change issues. This study finds that although Africa is most vulnerable to the consequences of climate change, the AU's and RECs' normative framework on climate change is weak and inadequate to address the problem. The Framework should integrate climate change issues in order to achieve sustainable development. The AU should also ensure that member states ratify the relevant treaties and protocols (the Maputo Nature Convention and the Protocol establishing the African Court of Justice and Human Rights) that have not yet been ratified in order that they may become operational. The Maputo Nature Convention puts sustainable development in the forefront of attention as a reaction to the potentially conflicting environmental and developmental challenges facing the continent (such as climate change), but it is not yet in force. This work finds that human rights law can strengthen the AU's role in addressing climate change through its normative framework. The human rights approach to climate change under the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (the Banjul Charter) is a viable avenue because human rights law forms the basis for states' responsibility based on human rights obligations and principles. The extraterritorial application of the Banjul Charter presents an avenue for AU institutions such as the Human Rights Commission and the African Human Rights Court to curb the effects of climate change through a human rights lens. The future of the AU is presented within the context of a set of recommendations that identify strong African regional integration as an avenue through which the AU can foster the cooperation of member states to address the consequences of climate change in the AU's and RECs' normative frameworks. General recommendations are made on the need for the international climate change regime to pay more attention to issues of funding, capacity building and technology development and transfer on the basis of the vulnerability principle and in relation to the principles of equity and common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities. Also, the AU needs to strengthen its legal and institutional structures to ensure deep African integration that is capable of addressing common challenges such as the consequences of climate change. / PhD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

There is enough evidence on how climate change consequences will adversely affect Africa despite the fact that it is the continent that has least contributed to the problem. The international climate change regime recognises Africa's vulnerability to climate change and provides for special treatment under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (the UNFCCC). Thus, the international climate change regime presents an opportunity for African countries to adapt and mitigate the consequences of climate change through the UNFCCC mechanism. However, the international climate change legal regime has not been able to adequately assist African countries to address the consequences of climate change under the vulnerability principle. Although the current international climate change regime requires developed countries to reduce their greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, Africa needs to take steps itself to address the problem, because it is most vulnerable to the consequences of climate change. The African Union (AU) could play a great role in ensuring that the international climate change regime addresses the consequences of climate change in the region. This could be done through fostering strong African common positions during international climate change negotiations. A strong common position could strengthen African bargaining power and might result in more funding, capacity building and technology development and transfer for adaptation and mitigation programmes under the UNFCCC-Kyoto Conference of Parties. However, reaching a strong common position requires the cooperation of the AU member states. In this context, African regional integration is an opportunity for the AU to foster such cooperation among member states. The Treaty Establishing the African Economic Community (the Abuja Treaty), the Constitutive Act of the AU and the Protocol on the Relations between the AU and Regional Economic Communities (RECs) prioritise regional economic integration and call for states' cooperation, but the call has not yet been heeded. To realise deep and viable African integration, there must be a well-structured institutional and legal framework that defines the relationship between the AU, the AEC and the RECs. African regional integration is also seen as an avenue whereby the AU can create its own regional climate-change regime. In this regard, the AU's and RECs' normative framework on climate change is examined in order to assess whether it adequately integrates climate change issues. This study finds that although Africa is most vulnerable to the consequences of climate change, the AU's and RECs' normative framework on climate change is weak and inadequate to address the problem. The Framework should integrate climate change issues in order to achieve sustainable development. The AU should also ensure that member states ratify the relevant treaties and protocols (the Maputo Nature Convention and the Protocol establishing the African Court of Justice and Human Rights) that have not yet been ratified in order that they may become operational. The Maputo Nature Convention puts sustainable development in the forefront of attention as a reaction to the potentially conflicting environmental and developmental challenges facing the continent (such as climate change), but it is not yet in force. This work finds that human rights law can strengthen the AU's role in addressing climate change through its normative framework. The human rights approach to climate change under the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (the Banjul Charter) is a viable avenue because human rights law forms the basis for states' responsibility based on human rights obligations and principles. The extraterritorial application of the Banjul Charter presents an avenue for AU institutions such as the Human Rights Commission and the African Human Rights Court to curb the effects of climate change through a human rights lens. The future of the AU is presented within the context of a set of recommendations that identify strong African regional integration as an avenue through which the AU can foster the cooperation of member states to address the consequences of climate change in the AU's and RECs' normative frameworks. General recommendations are made on the need for the international climate change regime to pay more attention to issues of funding, capacity building and technology development and transfer on the basis of the vulnerability principle and in relation to the principles of equity and common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities. Also, the AU needs to strengthen its legal and institutional structures to ensure deep African integration that is capable of addressing common challenges such as the consequences of climate change. / PhD (Law), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a viabilidade de aplicação do instrumento de Mandado de Detenção Europeu (que foi criado em decorrência da quebra de fronteiras gerada com integração regional europeia, União Europeia) no bloco de integração regional latino-americano, MERCOSUL, tendo em vista ser um instrumento substitutivo do Instituto extradicional aplicado no âmbito criminal. Em um primeiro momento é tratado o fenômeno da globalização, da integração regional e sua repercussão no universo criminal, observando-se o surgimento de uma nova modalidade criminal, qual seja a criminalidade transnacional. Em decorrência dessa criminalidade transnacional, que abrange mais de um território nacional é estudado o desenvolvimento de uma cooperação jurídica internacional em matéria penal entre os países, com a finalidade de combater a impunidade. Assim, faz-se um paralelo sobre cooperação jurídica internacional em matéria penal nos blocos de integração regional: União Europeia e MERCOSUL. Adiante, analisa-se o mandado de detenção europeu, seu surgimento na União Europeia e o papel do principio do reconhecimento mutuo na aplicação desse instituto. Por fim, examina-se a possibilidade, enfim, de aplicação desse instituto no bloco do MERCOSUL. / This study aims to examine the application of the instrument of the European Arrest Warrant (which was created as a result of the breach of boundaries generated with European regional integration, European Union) in the block of regional integration in Latin America, MERCOSUR considering it as a substitute for the extraditional institute instrument, which is applied in international criminal justice as a cooperation instrument. At first the phenomenon of globalization, regional integration and their impact on the criminal universe is analyzed. From this the emergence of a new criminal mode, transnational criminality has been observed. Because of this transnational criminality, which covers more than one country, the development of international legal cooperation in criminal matters is studied between the countries, with the aim of combating impunity. With this, a parallel on international legal cooperation in criminal matters in the blocks for regional integration is made: the European Union and MERCOSUR. Before this, it analyzes the European Arrest Warrant, the appearance and development in the European Union and the function of the principle of mutual recognition in the implementation of this institute. Finally, it examines the possibility of implementation of this institute in the MERCOSUR bloc.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a viabilidade de aplicação do instrumento de Mandado de Detenção Europeu (que foi criado em decorrência da quebra de fronteiras gerada com integração regional europeia, União Europeia) no bloco de integração regional latino-americano, MERCOSUL, tendo em vista ser um instrumento substitutivo do Instituto extradicional aplicado no âmbito criminal. Em um primeiro momento é tratado o fenômeno da globalização, da integração regional e sua repercussão no universo criminal, observando-se o surgimento de uma nova modalidade criminal, qual seja a criminalidade transnacional. Em decorrência dessa criminalidade transnacional, que abrange mais de um território nacional é estudado o desenvolvimento de uma cooperação jurídica internacional em matéria penal entre os países, com a finalidade de combater a impunidade. Assim, faz-se um paralelo sobre cooperação jurídica internacional em matéria penal nos blocos de integração regional: União Europeia e MERCOSUL. Adiante, analisa-se o mandado de detenção europeu, seu surgimento na União Europeia e o papel do principio do reconhecimento mutuo na aplicação desse instituto. Por fim, examina-se a possibilidade, enfim, de aplicação desse instituto no bloco do MERCOSUL. / This study aims to examine the application of the instrument of the European Arrest Warrant (which was created as a result of the breach of boundaries generated with European regional integration, European Union) in the block of regional integration in Latin America, MERCOSUR considering it as a substitute for the extraditional institute instrument, which is applied in international criminal justice as a cooperation instrument. At first the phenomenon of globalization, regional integration and their impact on the criminal universe is analyzed. From this the emergence of a new criminal mode, transnational criminality has been observed. Because of this transnational criminality, which covers more than one country, the development of international legal cooperation in criminal matters is studied between the countries, with the aim of combating impunity. With this, a parallel on international legal cooperation in criminal matters in the blocks for regional integration is made: the European Union and MERCOSUR. Before this, it analyzes the European Arrest Warrant, the appearance and development in the European Union and the function of the principle of mutual recognition in the implementation of this institute. Finally, it examines the possibility of implementation of this institute in the MERCOSUR bloc.

Este trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a viabilidade de aplicação do instrumento de Mandado de Detenção Europeu (que foi criado em decorrência da quebra de fronteiras gerada com integração regional europeia, União Europeia) no bloco de integração regional latino-americano, MERCOSUL, tendo em vista ser um instrumento substitutivo do Instituto extradicional aplicado no âmbito criminal. Em um primeiro momento é tratado o fenômeno da globalização, da integração regional e sua repercussão no universo criminal, observando-se o surgimento de uma nova modalidade criminal, qual seja a criminalidade transnacional. Em decorrência dessa criminalidade transnacional, que abrange mais de um território nacional é estudado o desenvolvimento de uma cooperação jurídica internacional em matéria penal entre os países, com a finalidade de combater a impunidade. Assim, faz-se um paralelo sobre cooperação jurídica internacional em matéria penal nos blocos de integração regional: União Europeia e MERCOSUL. Adiante, analisa-se o mandado de detenção europeu, seu surgimento na União Europeia e o papel do principio do reconhecimento mutuo na aplicação desse instituto. Por fim, examina-se a possibilidade, enfim, de aplicação desse instituto no bloco do MERCOSUL. / This study aims to examine the application of the instrument of the European Arrest Warrant (which was created as a result of the breach of boundaries generated with European regional integration, European Union) in the block of regional integration in Latin America, MERCOSUR considering it as a substitute for the extraditional institute instrument, which is applied in international criminal justice as a cooperation instrument. At first the phenomenon of globalization, regional integration and their impact on the criminal universe is analyzed. From this the emergence of a new criminal mode, transnational criminality has been observed. Because of this transnational criminality, which covers more than one country, the development of international legal cooperation in criminal matters is studied between the countries, with the aim of combating impunity. With this, a parallel on international legal cooperation in criminal matters in the blocks for regional integration is made: the European Union and MERCOSUR. Before this, it analyzes the European Arrest Warrant, the appearance and development in the European Union and the function of the principle of mutual recognition in the implementation of this institute. Finally, it examines the possibility of implementation of this institute in the MERCOSUR bloc.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T18:33:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andre Ricardo Bechlin.pdf: 1893283 bytes, checksum: a7f2ccf93b5f041e48cad5f54ae2c859 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-05-26 / This research is mainly aimed to assess from a multidimensional perspective that considers varying political, social, economic and technological integration of the stages of the Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) in 1998 and 2008. The theoretical framework includes topics of the theory of regional economic integration; historical process of economic integration in Latin America; history of the formation process of MERCOSUR and its current situation. The methodology used was the Global Dimension of Regional Integration Model considering a total of 90 variables with 18 political, 16 social, 46 economic and technological 10. For each of the States Parties and Associates were calculated Global Regional Development Index and Regional Global Development, and through them we obtained the value for the Regional Integration Stage Index to the MERCOSUR, which is equal to 0.57037 in 1998 and 0.62222 in 2008, framing it as an integration process in development. Analyzing the indexes for each of the States Parties and Associates notes to uneven development between 1998 and 2008 Brazil showed a more than proportional growth in relation to other countries in all areas surveyed. The conclusion is that although the bloc's integration has improved, the effects obtained were not distributed equally among the countries given their heterogeneity. / Este trabalho tem como objetivo central avaliar a partir de uma perspectiva multidimensional que considera variáveis políticas, sociais, econômicas e tecnológicas, os estágios da integração do Mercado Comum do Sul (MERCOSUL) nos anos de 1998 e 2008. O referencial teórico compreende tópicos sobre a teoria da integração econômica regional; processo histórico da integração econômica na América Latina; histórico do processo de formação do MERCOSUL e sua situação atual. A metodologia utilizada foi o Modelo da Dimensão Global da Integração Regional considerando um total de 90 variáveis sendo 18 políticas, 16 sociais, 46 econômicas e 10 tecnológicas. Para cada um dos Estados Partes e Associados foram calculados o Índice Global de Desenvolvimento Regional e o Índice de Desenvolvimento Global Regional e, através destes obteve-se o valor referente ao Estágio de Integração Regional para o MERCOSUL, sendo este igual a 0,57037 em 1998 e a 0,62222 em 2008, enquadrando o mesmo como um processo integracionista em desenvolvimento. Analisando os índices para cada um dos Estados Partes e Associados constata-se um desenvolvimento desigual entre 1998 e 2008 apresentando o Brasil um crescimento mais que proporcional em relação aos demais países em todas as áreas analisadas. Conclui-se que embora a integração do bloco tenha apresentado avanços, os efeitos obtidos não se distribuíram de forma igualitária entre os países dada sua heterogeneidade.

The global aim of this research is to postulate a spatial development paradigm for regional integration in developing countries - more specifically, the research prospects to conceptualize form-based spatial planning theory for Africa. This was considered necessary on two grounds: first, the need for spatial regional integration as panacea for economic growth, and second the resilience of formal planning in the context of a neo-liberal paradigm shift in planning for economic growth. The research in essence strives to reconsider formal planning in an attempt to articulate an appropriate planning paradigm for the delivery of spatial regional integration within spatial systems in developing economies. In view of the foregoing the resilience of form-based planning paradigm informs the research. Hence the research sets out with the null hypothesis that form-based planning attributes are not significantly resilient in the perception of planning initiatives in the African context. The research methodology involved a relevant literature survey vis-à-vis theoretical and analytical frameworks as well as desktop case studies of selected country profiles and planning initiatives and then an empirical case study of integrated development planning (IDP) initiatives in South Africa. Following six sets of analysis, the research established compliance with a neo-liberal planning paradigm in Africa; however, it disproved the null hypothesis. The neo-liberal planning initiatives were found to be unable to deliver integrated development. Thus a change in development ideology to neo-mercantilism is recommended as a strategic move to redirect attention from private profitability to nation-building vis-à-vis spatial integration. Neo-mercantilism is therefore deployed as thinking instrument for a neo-mercantile planning paradigm postulated to deliver spatial regional integration in developing economies. The neo-mercantile planning paradigm which seeks spatio-physical bases of integration adopts integrated planning operationalized with spatial integration plans (SIPs) and thematic integration plans (TIPs) instruments. These instruments are designed to establish spatial integration networks. The networking of the spatial systems requires the grading of infrastructure and the classification of cities. While administrative criteria are used to determine the former, the latter is proposed to be conducted with a “Time-efficient” coefficient, an innovative unit with which “Time-efficient effect” of cities as centres of commerce can be measured. This coefficient contributes to the growth of regional development theories from a spatio-physical perspective. Furthermore, the research contributes a neo-mercantile spatial model for urban region development. The modality of applying the new paradigm in Africa is modelled to integrate the status quo given requisite visionary mind-set and abundant political will. The model adopts the sequence of securing a neo-mercantile planning paradigm, followed by the identification of priority problems, the articulation of a vision statement and then objectives set to achieve spatial regional integration. Present actions were assessed and new action cards proposed, based on priorities for action drawn from priority problems in Africa. The proposed action cards were regrouped into a typology of actions to aid implementation strategies. The strategies made provision for institutional requirements and implementation processes, manpower requirements, financial mechanisms, legal reforms and monitoring measures. The implementation process summarized with a calendar of the action plan for spatial regional integration in Africa. / PhD (Urban and Regional Planning), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

The global aim of this research is to postulate a spatial development paradigm for regional integration in developing countries - more specifically, the research prospects to conceptualize form-based spatial planning theory for Africa. This was considered necessary on two grounds: first, the need for spatial regional integration as panacea for economic growth, and second the resilience of formal planning in the context of a neo-liberal paradigm shift in planning for economic growth. The research in essence strives to reconsider formal planning in an attempt to articulate an appropriate planning paradigm for the delivery of spatial regional integration within spatial systems in developing economies. In view of the foregoing the resilience of form-based planning paradigm informs the research. Hence the research sets out with the null hypothesis that form-based planning attributes are not significantly resilient in the perception of planning initiatives in the African context. The research methodology involved a relevant literature survey vis-à-vis theoretical and analytical frameworks as well as desktop case studies of selected country profiles and planning initiatives and then an empirical case study of integrated development planning (IDP) initiatives in South Africa. Following six sets of analysis, the research established compliance with a neo-liberal planning paradigm in Africa; however, it disproved the null hypothesis. The neo-liberal planning initiatives were found to be unable to deliver integrated development. Thus a change in development ideology to neo-mercantilism is recommended as a strategic move to redirect attention from private profitability to nation-building vis-à-vis spatial integration. Neo-mercantilism is therefore deployed as thinking instrument for a neo-mercantile planning paradigm postulated to deliver spatial regional integration in developing economies. The neo-mercantile planning paradigm which seeks spatio-physical bases of integration adopts integrated planning operationalized with spatial integration plans (SIPs) and thematic integration plans (TIPs) instruments. These instruments are designed to establish spatial integration networks. The networking of the spatial systems requires the grading of infrastructure and the classification of cities. While administrative criteria are used to determine the former, the latter is proposed to be conducted with a “Time-efficient” coefficient, an innovative unit with which “Time-efficient effect” of cities as centres of commerce can be measured. This coefficient contributes to the growth of regional development theories from a spatio-physical perspective. Furthermore, the research contributes a neo-mercantile spatial model for urban region development. The modality of applying the new paradigm in Africa is modelled to integrate the status quo given requisite visionary mind-set and abundant political will. The model adopts the sequence of securing a neo-mercantile planning paradigm, followed by the identification of priority problems, the articulation of a vision statement and then objectives set to achieve spatial regional integration. Present actions were assessed and new action cards proposed, based on priorities for action drawn from priority problems in Africa. The proposed action cards were regrouped into a typology of actions to aid implementation strategies. The strategies made provision for institutional requirements and implementation processes, manpower requirements, financial mechanisms, legal reforms and monitoring measures. The implementation process summarized with a calendar of the action plan for spatial regional integration in Africa. / PhD (Urban and Regional Planning), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

Europoje prasidėję regioninės integracijos procesai palaipsniui apėmė daugelį pasaulio regionų. Sustiprėję savo viduje, pastarieji ėmė vis intensyviau sąveikauti tarpusavyje, tokiu būdu tarpregioninius santykius įtvirtindami kaip integralią užsienio politikos dalį. Išaugus Lotynų Amerikos politinei ir ekonominei reikšmei, ES suaktyvino savo vykdomą užsienio politiką šio regiono atžvilgiu. Tačiau išryškėję valstybių narių interesų skirtumai padidino atotrūkį tarp oficialios ES retorikos ir konkrečių praktinės politikos veiksmų. Toks Lotynų Amerikai teikiamo dėmesio netolygumas, paskatino kitus didžiuosius tarptautinės sistemos veikėjus iš naujo susidomėti šio regiono valstybėmis. / European regional integration processes have gradually covered most of the world regions. First of all, regions were strengthened internally and after that they began increasingly interact with each other, thus consolidating interregional relations as an integral part of their foreign policy. European Union decided to activate foreign policy actions in Latin America due to its growing economical and political significance. However, EU member’s different interests have increased the gap between the official statements of EU and concrete practical policies. Such inequality of attention to Latin America led other great players of the international system to renew their interest in the region.