John Milton (1608 1674) é conhecido não só como o poeta do épico Paraíso perdido, mas também como um dos grandes teóricos e polemistas do período das Guerras Civis Inglesas. Seu principal tema é o problema da liberdade em um reino que se transformou segundo ele em uma tirania de reis e potentados religiosos, onde o súdito não era mais adequadamente representado por seu soberano; de acordo com Milton, como o rei não era mais o representante justo do reino, ele não deveria mais exercer as suas funções, sendo necessária a sua deposição e, em alguns casos extremos, o regicídio (como foi defendido pelo próprio poeta); assim, a solução proposta junto com outros panfletários anti-realistas, que nunca atingiram a riqueza retórica e a ousadia teórica de Milton é o surgimento de uma república inglesa, inspirada nos moldes ciceronianos e de clara influência secular-humanista. A partir de agora, o verdadeiro representante do governo deve ser o povo, mais precisamente a commonwealth, formada por indivíduos capazes de dominar as paixões que os podem transformá-los em escravos e viver de acordo com a vontade da razão e da prudência. A liberdade interior dos membros desta república se dá dentro desta commonwealth, onde eles podem exercer a liberdade civil (em que o indivíduo pode viver com tranqüilidade desde que respeite as leis da república), a liberdade doméstica (em que se pode escolher qual é o tipo de educação que pretende ter, quais são as pessoas com quem pretende se relacionar, etc.) e a liberdade religiosa (a possibilidade de escolher uma religião sem a interferência do governo ou de qualquer outra seita religiosa que se classifique como oficial). / John Milton (1608 - 1674) is known not only for his epic Paradise Lost, but also as one of the great theorists and polemicists of the period of the English Civil Wars. Its main theme is the problem of freedom in a kingdom that has become a tyranny of kings and religious potentates, where the subject was not properly represented by his sovereign; according to Milton, as the king was no longer the right representative of the kingdom, he should no longer perform his duties, requiring the deposition and in some extreme cases, the regicide (as argued by him); thus, the proposed solution along with other anti-royalist pamphleteers, who never reached Milton´s rhetoric and the theoretical boldness is the emergence of an English republic. From now on, the true representative of the government should be the people, specifically the commonwealth, made up of individuals able to master the passions that can turn them into slaves and live according to the will of reason and prudence. The Freedom of the Republic takes place within this commonwealth, where its members can exercise civil liberty (in which the individual can live with peace of mind provided if it complies with the laws of the Republic), domestic freedom (where you can choose what kind education you want to have, who are the people you want to relate, etc.) and religious freedom (the ability to choose a religion without interference from the government or any other religious sect that classify them as \"official\").

Ao longo da história da filosofia, John Locke tem sido frequentemente apresentado sob o rótulo de pai do liberalismo, o que decorre, invariavelmente, de um modo peculiar de interpretação da noção de liberdade para o filósofo, que estaria estruturada em torno da ideia de não-interferência. Derivada frequentemente de propostas analíticas realizadas em um vácuo histórico, em que as ideias de Locke são tomadas como uma estática coleção, tal conclusão expressa uma perspectiva que não considera o caráter essencialmente discursivo da filosofia política e o campo problemático em que os conceitos foram pensados pelo filósofo. Se tomarmos a obra de Locke a partir de um campo mais abrangente, constituído por diferentes atos de discurso, em que sejam considerados as condições e o contexto em que os elementos textuais foram enunciados, recuperando-se o aspecto polêmico do texto, pode ser evidenciado um traço marcadamente republicano no conceito de liberdade formulado pelo autor. Partindo da perspectiva de John Pocock acerca do processo de formação do republicanismo inglês, segundo a qual as matrizes republicanas foram recebidas na Inglaterra a partir do século XVI, desencadeando um longo processo de anglicização da república, no qual diferentes momentos podem ser identificados, e tomando como pressuposto a ideia de dupla filiação do conceito moderno de liberdade, proposta por Jean-Fabien Spitz, o propósito deste trabalho é colher os elementos que apontam em que medida a noção de liberdade defendida por Locke em sua obra política pode ser considerada tributária dos argumentos desenvolvidos nos momentos precedentes em que se expressou o pensamento republicano na Inglaterra, o que permitiria incluí-la como referência de um importante ato do longo discurso que culminou na formulação do conceito republicano de liberdade. / Throughout the history of philosophy, John Locke has often been presented under the label of \"father of liberalism,\" which invariably follows from a peculiar way of interpreting his concept of freedom, as structured around the idea of non-interference. Coming from analytical proposals often elaborated in a \"historical vacuum\", in which Locke\'s ideas are taken as a static collection, such a conclusion expresses a perspective that does not consider the essentially discursive character of political philosophy and the \"problematic field\" in which some concepts were thought by the philosopher. On the other hand, if we take Locke\'s work from a broader field, made up of different \"acts of discourse,\" taking into account the conditions and contexts in which the textual elements were enunciated, and recovering the controversial aspect of the text, we can reveal a republican feature in the concept of liberty formulated by the author. Starting from John Pocock\'s perspective about the English republicanism, according to which republican matrices were received in England from the sixteenth century, triggering a long process of \"anglicization of the republic,\" in which different \"moments\" can be identified, and considering the idea of double affiliation of the modern concept of freedom, proposed by Jean-Fabien Spitz, the purpose of this work is to gather the elements that indicate to what extent the notion of freedom defended by Locke in his political work can be considered tributary of the arguments developed in the previous \"moments\" in which the republican thought in England was expressed, which would allow to include it as reference of an important \"act\" of the long discourse that culminated in the republican concept of liberty.

No Rio Grande do Sul, a criação de leis que tentam coibir a prática dos cultos afros por políticos evangélicos somada a visão preconceituosa da população em geral de que estas religiões são atrasadas e possuem rituais maléficos, suscitaram a reação dos adeptos desses cultos que passaram a lutar pela garantia ao direito da liberdade religiosa e contra o estigma de que as religiões afros são cruéis e prejudiciais. A presente dissertação tem como objetivo estudar de que forma os adeptos das religiões afro-brasileiras em Porto Alegre, conhecidos como batuqueiros, legitimam sua religião para defendê-la dos ataques evangélicos e também amenizar alguns conflitos entre prática religiosa afro-brasileira e sociedade em geral. No entanto, a visão de que o culto está se deturpando nos dias atuais também faz com seus adeptos lutem pelo que consideram a autêntica forma de culto, em contraste com as inovações rituais criadas pelas novas gerações de batuqueiros. Essas duas lutas inserem os batuqueiros na esfera pública porto alegrense a partir da visão do que são as religiões afros para eles: a herança africana que carregam consigo e que são responsáveis por preservar e dar continuidade, modelando seus discursos e práticas para além da esfera habitual dos terreiros. É a partir desse argumento, para dentro e para fora, que os adeptos das religiões afros vão legitimar sua prática religiosa perante eles mesmos e a sociedade em geral, lutando a favor do direito à liberdade religiosa. / In Rio Grande do Sul, the creation of laws to repress the practice of afro cults by evangelic politicians along with the based vision of the population that sees these religions as backward and as having malefic rites, gave rise to reactions from the followers of these cults who struggled for the freedom of religion and against the stigma of cruelty and prejudice that is said to come from the afro-religions. The objective of this dissertation is to study in which way the followers of the Afro- Brazilian religions in Porto Alegre, known as batuqueiros, legitimize their religion to defend it against attacks from evangelicals and to harmonize some conflicts between the Afro- Brazilian religious practice and the society. However, the vision that today the cult is misrepresenting itself obliges its followers to struggle for what they understand is the authentic form of the cult, in contrast with innovations in the ritual, created by the new generations of batuqueiros. These two struggles place the batuqueiros in the public sphere of Porto Alegre from the point of view of what are the afro religions for them: the African inheritance that they carry with themselves and that they are responsible for preserving and continue. This models their discourses and practices beyond the customary sphere of the terreiros. it is from this argument, directed to the inside and to the outside, that the followers of the Afro- religions will legitimize their religious practice to themselves and to the society, struggling for the freedom of religion.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:34Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Aloisio Cristovam dos Santos Junior.pdf: 947276 bytes, checksum: 5a68fead7ff1c7c0d3cf10e0260af5d5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006-10-25 / Among the different forms of religious freedom of expression, the right to free religious organization is one the most frequently misunderstood, either because scholars do not regard it as important as the question of freedom of creed and worship or because of the difficulty in determining under what circumstances the State may interfere in the organizational development of religious groups. According to Brazilian Law, the right to free religious organization is an ample concept, based on the notion of a secular State favoring religious manifestations while ensuring equal treatment for all religious groups regardless of their size and origin. Thus, the right to free religious organization includes freedom of establishment, rule, internal structure and functioning of religious groups. The judicial nature of such groups derives directly from the constitutional principle of non-interference by the State in their establishment and development; in fact, when religious organizations adopt a legal personality, it is under private law rather than civil law, such as the Catholic Church, which is publicly recognized as a political organization ― the Holy See ― in the Vatican State, but is not extensive to the religious organization representing it in Brazil and subject to the Brazilian Constitution. The right to free religious organization protects religious organizations as long as their institutional objectives, particularly worship, are those recognized by the Brazilian Constitution. It does not, however, protect organizations which in spite of their outward religious character do not primarily pursue such objectives but engage in economic activities and the commercialization of faith. The limits of the right to free religious organization are determined by the public interest and by the interest of the members of such groups. / Dentre as formas de expressão da liberdade religiosa, o direito à liberdade de organização religiosa suscita as maiores incompreensões, seja porque os estudiosos não lhe dedicam a mesma atenção conferida às liberdades de crença e de culto, seja porque são enormes as dificuldades para distinguir com nitidez até onde o Estado deve abster-se de interferir no desenvolvimento organizacional dos grupos religiosos. A liberdade de organização religiosa, no ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, tem uma considerável amplitude, por se fundar num modelo de laicidade estatal que favorece o fenômeno religioso e, ao mesmo tempo, prima pela igualdade de tratamento dos diferentes grupos religiosos, independentemente do número de adeptos ou de sua origem. No direito pátrio, a liberdade de organização religiosa compreende a livre criação, a livre ordenação, a livre estruturação interna e o livre funcionamento das organizações religiosas. Estas têm sua existência jurídica derivada diretamente do preceito constitucional que afasta a interferência estatal no seu processo de criação e de desenvolvimento, daí porque não estão obrigadas a adquirir a personalidade jurídica de direito civil, que se trata de um direito que podem ou não exercitar. Quando adquirem personalidade jurídica de direito civil, as organizações religiosas têm a natureza de pessoas jurídicas de direito privado, incluindo-se a Igreja Católica, pois o reconhecimento da personalidade pública da Santa Sé está limitado à organização política sediada no Estado do Vaticano e não se confunde com a organização religiosa em atuação no país, cujo ordenamento situa-se abaixo do ordenamento estatal brasileiro. A liberdade de organização religiosa protege as organizações religiosas em atenção ao fato de que as finalidades institucionais religiosas, dentre as quais se destaca o culto, têm o seu valor reconhecido pelo ordenamento constitucional. Por isso, não protege as organizações que, sob a identificação de religiosas, estejam desviadas de sua finalidade, exercitando atividades econômicas ou mercadejando a fé. Os limites da liberdade de organização religiosa encontram-se no interesse público e no interesse dos próprios integrantes dos grupos religiosos organizados.

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This thesis contends certain contentious court cases can be traced beyond their legal roots to deep, sometimes incommensurable philosophical disagreements. However, the unitary nature of the judicial system effectively forces the court to take sides, putting its institutional weight and moral authority behind one set of principles and not another. Following Cover, I contend that this encourages future litigants to rephrase their claims in the court’s preferred normative language, thus influencing our normative environment. The theories which guide judicial decisions, however, are generally insufficiently attentive to the court’s normative influence. In response, I attempt adapting Dworkin’s Law as Integrity around Cover’s more sociological view. Chapter 1 examines Cover’s view, Chapter 2 explores Syndicat Northcrest v. Amselem and Delmaagukw v. B.C. as case studies, and Chapter 3 adapts Dworkin around Covers view. My conclusions argue that further inspiration can be drawn from EU Coordinate Constitutionalism and Sui Generis aboriginal rights.

Submitted by Biblioteca Central (biblioteca@unicap.br) on 2017-12-06T18:25:06Z No. of bitstreams: 1 maria_cristina_nascimento.pdf: 1046381 bytes, checksum: eaac7e4dd02bf6ae2126e3643f7dd422 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-12-06T18:25:06Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 maria_cristina_nascimento.pdf: 1046381 bytes, checksum: eaac7e4dd02bf6ae2126e3643f7dd422 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-05 / This research aims to analyze the role of the Afro-Brazilian Religions in CPPIR (Conference of Racial Equality Policies) in Recife (from 2005 to 2013), concerning their demands to the public education in Recife. This is a qualitative study in which the people’s ideas and statements, the analyses of documents, the conference reports and the bibliographical research were used in order to help a better analysis of the advancements, difficulties and resistances in the implementation of public policies that are supposed to reduce historical injustices perpetrated by racism. To place the Afro-Brazilian religions in a historical context, we used the theoretical contribution of sociology, anthropology and history seeking to understand how they were structured in the past and how they are currently configured in Recife. We seek to establish a dialogue among the several forms of ways in which the religions of African matrices acts within the public sector. We take in consideration the black social movement, the women's movement and feminism, in the fight against racism and religious intolerance. Emancipatory and antiracist education are considered as fundamental tools to achieve the objectives, which are pending on the implementation of Laws 10.639 / 3 and 11.645 / 8.The discussion about racism and the struggle for rights of the black population are historically important to the Black Social Movement, especially in the questioning the ideal of racial democracy. Their demands for an education without discrimination, against racism and which includes Afro-Brazilian religions as one more element of identity and a milestone for their claims. As a result of the Racial Equality Conferences we can point the struggle for the Afro Brazilian religion to be recognized as a religion and the engagement to fight against religious intolerance and racism. All of them are present in the proposals made by people of the Afro-Brazilian religious and religious traditions. The issues are their main demands for a public education, committed to social, anti-racist transformations and which respects a plurality of religions. / A presente pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar a participação das Religiões Afro-brasileiras em Conferências de Políticas Públicas de Igualdade Racial no Recife (CPPIR) no período de 2005-2013, assinalando suas demandas para a educação pública municipal. Trata-se de um estudo de cunho qualitativo, em que vozes de sujeito envolvidas/os, documentos/relatórios das conferências e a pesquisa bibliográfica se entrelaçam para analisar os avanços, dificuldades e resistências na implementação de políticas públicas que têm como pressuposto reduzir injustiças históricas perpetradas pelo racismo. Para contextualização histórica das religiões afro-brasileiras, utilizamos o aporte teórico da sociologia, antropologia e história, para uma compreensão de como se estruturaram e se configuram atualmente em Recife. Buscamos estabelecer um diálogo com diversas formas de atuação na esfera pública das religiões de matrizes africanas, permeando o movimento social negro, o movimento de mulheres e o feminismo, na luta contra o racismo e intolerância religiosa. A educação emancipatória e antirracista é vista como um eixo fundamental para alcançar estes objetivos, centrados na implementação das Leis 10.639/3 e 11.645/8. A discussão sobre racismo e a luta por direitos da população negra têm no Movimento Social Negro uma importância histórica, principalmente no questionamento sobre o mito da democracia racial, em demandas por uma educação sem discriminação, contra o racismo, incluindo as religiões afro-brasileiras como mais um elemento identitário e marco de sua agenda de reivindicações. Como resultados das Conferências de Igualdade Racial, a luta pelo reconhecimento enquanto religião, o enfrentamento à intolerância religiosa e ao racismo estão presentes nas propostas dos terreiros e tradições religiosas afro-brasileira e marcam suas demandas por educação pública, comprometida com as transformações sociais, antirracista e que respeite à pluralidade religiosa.

"Every country has religious minorities. Any study of religious minorities and the protections afforded to them must also examine the significance of minorities per se. Minorities have no internationally accepted definition. Definitions are either broad and with little specificity or narrow and exclusive. Generally, two trends with regard to minority rights can be observed. On the one hand, in many countries, a comprehensive system of the legal protection of minorities has been introduced. Here the biggest problems stem from the difference between formal and informal rights. On the other hand, a number of countries have not legally committed themselves to the protection of minorities; ranging from inadequate safeguards to non-recognition of the minority. National minorities have received broad, although not well-differentiated, reporting in the international media and attention in international organisations and its impact on the discourse on religious rights have been minimal. However, minority religious rights have featured less significantly on the public agenda. The implications of the status of national minorities and religious groups are that many minorities believe that the majority group generally receive privileged status in state structures, while the minorities are viewed with suspicion. The issue of religious representation and safeguards arose within the Constitution of the Republic of Kenya ("Kenyan Constitution") where there is a recently concluded Constitutional Review Commission that had the Christian majority object to the "excessive protection" being granted to the Muslim minority. There was a huge debate as to the extent of inclusion of Sharia in the resultant draft constitution as well as the protection of fundamental principles of human rights and Islam. The question thus arises, should one apply Sharia or enshrine it in the constitution of a country, or will this involve overprotection that may lead to long-term exploitation of the law by the minority. The Arab Republic of Egypt ("Egypt") and the Republic of Kenya ("Kenya") have been chosen as case studies as they are interesting reflections of the development of states in Africa: Kenya with a Muslim minority maintaining a hold on the application of Islamic law where there is a Christian majority, while in Egypt the Copt and Shia Muslim populations are trying to assimilate into the state. Sharia is of imporance both to Kenya and Egypt. In Egypt the entire legal system is premised on the constitutional provision that Sharia is the principle source of law, thus some religious minorities in Egypt look for ways to maintain their identity and circumvent the application of Sharia provisions. Kenya, with a Muslim religious minority, is grappling with the concept of Sharia and how far it should apply to Muslims in a country. Thus these two countries have an inverse mirror image problem of each other as between the two major world religouns, Christianity and Islam. ... Chapter one sets out the content of the research, identifies the problem and applies the methodology. Chapter two discusses the international and regional law on religious minorities with a regional emphasis on African and the Arab region. Chapter three discusses the Islamic law on religious minorities, both Muslim minorities in non-Muslim states and non-Muslim minorities in Muslim states. Chapter four will focus on case studies comparing the protection accorded to the Muslims in Kenya with the Copts in Egypt, and analysing the extent to which Kenya and Egpyt have complied with international and regional law. Chapter five will set out recommendations and conclusions." -- Introduction. / Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Naz Modirzadeh at the Department of Political Sciences, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, The American University in Cairo, Egypt / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2004. / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

In 1852, the leadership of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints made the pivotal decision to publicize the doctrine and practice of plural marriage—something they had worked to keep out of the public eye for years. This decision came in response to federal and social pressures. They quickly moved to announce and defend plural marriage among Church members as well as broader society, including those in the federal government. Orson Pratt was chosen by Brigham Young to be the face and the voice of the Church concerning plural marriage, both in Salt Lake City among members and in Washington D.C., where he preached sermons and published a periodical on the subject. This thesis a) demonstrates why Orson Pratt was the ideal candidate for such an undertaking; b) assesses the motivation for and context of the public unveiling and defense of plural marriage; c) analyzes Pratt’s rhetoric of the first public treatise on the subject given to a Latter-day Saint congregation at a special conference on 29 August 1852; and d) compares the rhetoric and reasoning between Pratt’s sermon to the Saints and his persuasive periodical written to the nation from Washington D.C. titled The Seer. Pratt’s rhetoric is incisive and carefully tailored to his audience. Important nuances in argumentation arise as he publishes the Seer and strives to convince his fellow citizens that plural marriage is right before God, improves society, and that the Saints should be allowed to practice polygamy as an expression of religious freedom. Orson Pratt ultimately fails to make a difference in the national opinion of plural marriage, but is successful in establishing a foundation of principles and reason that would be employed by the Saints to defend the practice of plural marriage for decades.

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