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Showing 1 to 5 of 5 (0.075 seconds)Spelling suggestions: "subject:"devolution 184811849"" "subject:"devolution 184891849""
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Working-class associations in the German revolutions of 1848/49Noyes, Paul Horning January 1960 (has links)
No description available.
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Češi a ti druzí před a po revoluci 1848-1849 / Czechs and the others before and after revolution 1848-1849Nedvěd, Tomáš January 2014 (has links)
The study focuses on the manners of representations of Czechs and other nations/ethnicities in the journalist work of Karel Havlíček Borovský before and after the 1848-9 revolution. Its methodology is based on concepts and approaches elaborated in the area of literary imagology. The theoretical part of the study deals with the issue of emergence of images, their stereotypical components and the mutual relations between self-image and hetero-image. It also describes the features, functions and the process of formation of national stereotypes. The following chapter describes the development of national-political tendencies emerging in the Czechs lands and corresponding to five different concepts of a nation (Austrianness, Germanness, Slavness, Bohemism and Czechness). The following chapter depicts the course of the revolution, where tensions between the individual national-political tendencies were increasing, and Havlíček's work before and during the revolution. The next chapter analyses the individual stereotypical character features of Czechs and other nations in Havlíček's journalist work in 1846-50. This imagological analysis shows that when constructing the Czech character, Havlíček uses older stereotypical qualities of Slavs (justice, peacefulness, their fundamental democratic nature,...
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Národ v rodině a rodina v národě. Typ vlastenecké měšťanské rodiny na příkladu rodiny dr. Václava Staňka. / Nation in family and family in nation. The type of patriotic town family, example of Dr. Václav Staněk's family.Srbová, Veronika January 2015 (has links)
Diploma thesis deals with theme of family in Czech patriotic circles in the 19th century, example of family of Václav Staněk, Doctor of Medicine and patriot. Václav Staněk was a friend of Josef Frič and František Ladislav Čelakovský, their families were very close. While Fritč's and Čelakovský's families appear very often in different works about 19th century, Staněk's family was almost forgot. This thesis deals with public activities of the family, in the time before the revolution 1848 it's the Czech "salon" which was also one of the first platforms for women interested in education and during the revolution in 1848 - 1849 the engagement of Václav Staněk at parliament in Vienna and Kroměříž. Thorough attention is paid to the family connections among members of the family, especially to relationships between wife and husband and relationships among parents and children. The source is rich and yet not used correspondence of the family which allows insight to the political as well to the family business.
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Too foul and dishonoring to be overlooked : newspaper responses to controversial English stars in the Northeastern United States, 1820-1870Smith, Tamara Leanne 30 September 2010 (has links)
In the nineteenth century, theatre and newspapers were the dominant expressions of popular culture in the northeastern United States, and together formed a crucial discursive node in the ongoing negotiation of American national identity. Focusing on the five decades between 1820 and 1870, during which touring stars from Great Britain enjoyed their most lucrative years of popularity on United States stages, this dissertation examines three instances in which English performers entered into this nationalizing forum and became flashpoints for journalists seeking to define the nature and bounds of American citizenship and culture. In 1821, Edmund Kean’s refusal to perform in Boston caused a scandal that revealed a widespread fixation among social elites with delineating the ethnic and economic limits of citizenship in a republican nation. In 1849, an ongoing rivalry between the English tragedian William Charles Macready and his American competitor Edwin Forrest culminated in the deadly Astor Place riot. By configuring the actors as champions in a struggle between bourgeois authority and working-class populism, the New York press inserted these local events into international patterns of economic conflict and revolutionary violence. Nearly twenty years later, the arrival of the Lydia Thompson Burlesque Troupe in 1868 drew rhetoric that reflected the popular press’ growing preoccupation with gender, particularly the question of woman suffrage and the preservation of the United States’ international reputation as a powerfully masculine nation in the wake of the Civil War.
Three distinct cultural currents pervade each of these case studies: the new nation’s anxieties about its former colonizer’s cultural influence, competing political and cultural ideologies within the United States, and the changing perspectives and agendas of the ascendant popular press. Exploring the points where these forces intersect, this dissertation aims to contribute to an understanding of how popular culture helped shape an emerging sense of American national identity. Ultimately, this dissertation argues that in the mid-nineteenth century northeastern United States, popular theatre, newspapers, and audiences all contributed to a single media formation in which controversial English performers became a rhetorical antipode against which “American” identity could be defined. / text
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Der Mythos der Revolution nach dem Sieg des nationalen MythosBussenius, Daniel 03 January 2013 (has links)
Am Ende des Ersten Weltkriegs lebte in Deutschösterreich und im Deutschen Reich mit dem Zerfall der Habsburgermonarchie und den Revolutionen im November 1918 die Erinnerung an die 48er-Revolution wieder auf. Die Revolutionserinnerung wurde insbesondere von den deutsch-österreichischen Sozialdemokraten zur Legitimierung der Forderung nach dem Anschluss an das Deutsche Reich herangezogen. Da die Vollziehung des Anschlusses jedoch am Einspruch der westlichen Siegermächte scheiterte, konnte im Deutschen Reich eine mit der Anschlussforderung eng verknüpfte Geschichtspolitik mit der 48er-Revolution von Sozialdemokraten und Demokraten wenig zur Legitimierung der Weimarer Republik beitragen (während die Anschlussforderung in Deutschösterreich gerade darauf zielte, die Eigenstaatlichkeit aufzuheben). Vielmehr wurde die Kritik am reichsdeutschen Rat der Volksbeauftragten, in Reaktion auf die deutschösterreichische Anschlusserklärung vom 12. November 1918 den Anschluss nicht vollzogen zu haben, zu einem politischen Allgemeinplatz. Träger der Geschichtspolitik mit der 48er-Revolution blieben in beiden Republiken ganz überwiegend die Arbeiterparteien, wobei im Reich Sozialdemokraten und Kommunisten dabei völlig entgegengesetzte Ziele verfolgten. Auch einen geschichtspolitischen Konsens zwischen reichsdeutschen Sozialdemokraten und Demokraten gab es nicht, wie sich schon in der Abstimmung über die Flaggenfrage am 3. Juli 1919 zeigte. / At the end of World War I, as the Habsburg Monarchy fell apart, the memory of the revolution of 1848 was revived in German-Austria and the German Empire by the new revolutions of November 1918. The revolution of 1848 was drawn on particularly by the German-Austrian social democrats to legitimize their demand to unite German-Austria with the German Empire (the so-called “Anschluss”). When the victorious Western powers prevented the realization of the Anschluss, the attempts by social democrats and democrats in the German Empire to use the memory of the revolution of 1848 to legitimize the new Weimar Republic had only little success because they were closely related to the demand for the Anschluss of Austria (whereas in Austria of course the demand for the “Anschluss” aimed at ending the existence of German-Austria as an independent state). Rather, it became common place in the Weimar Republic to criticize the “Rat der Volksbeauftragten” (the revolutionary government of 1918-1919) for not having realized the Anschluss in response to its declaration by the German-Austrian provisional national assembly on November 12, 1918. The workers’ parties were first and foremost those who continued to keep the memory of the revolution of 1848 in both republics alive. However, in doing so, social democrats and communists in the German Empire persued opposing political objectives. Moreover, there was neither a consensus between social democrats and democrats in the Weimar Republic in regards to the memory of the revolution of 1848. This lack of agreement was already apparent in the decision of the national assembly concerning the flag of the new republic on July 3, 1919.
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