Die Arbeit untersucht die Stellungnahmen der NPD-Fraktion im Sächsischen Landtag auf rechtsextremistische Inhalte. Dafür werden die entsprechenden Abschnitte der Plenarprotokolle aus dem ersten Teil der 4. Legislaturperiode (Oktober 2004 bis Juli 2006) mittels einer qualitativen Inhaltsanalyse untersucht.

There has been a rise in Right-wing extremism (RWE) mobilizing within what is known as the setter-colonial state of Canada, with some groups espousing values and narratives grounded in White nationalist ideology which have led to instances of violence and harm against community members. These incidents of harm and violence occur in the context of the Canadian state's claims to inclusive multiculturalism, civility and benevolence. While there are many looking into the presence of RWE groups to document their existence, mobilizing patterns and tactics, very little analysis exists that offers a deep analysis into these groups and situates their political ideology within the broader context of the Canadian state’s governance logics. Therefore, to push the discussion on this topic further, this project looks at the specific case of the Canadian Nationalist Front's (CNF), a White nationalist group in Canada, and unpacks the discourse shared on their blog. Through dissecting the CNF's blogpost with a theoretical framework of analysis that moves beyond understanding this group as merely a fringe group which holds fundamentally different values than the Canadian state, I make links to the existing literature that demonstrates the parallels between the two. I argue that the racialized governance logics of White nationalist groups, like the CNF, are also shared in the settler-colonial logics of the Canadian state's border governance strategies. Further, I highlight the ways in which groups like the CNF ground their movements in the superiority of Whiteness, while using the state's claims of inclusivity and multiculturalism to justify their entitlement to hold these exclusionary ideologies while presenting themselves as victims of those that they "Other". Finally, I contextualize their discourse within the context of neoliberalism, which has intensified the harms of racial capitalism in a way that has also impacted the White working class and allowed groups like the CNF to use economic grievances to mobilize their movements.

Die Studie zur demokratischen Bildung im ländlichen Raum erforscht die komplexen Herausforderungen und Potenziale politischer Bildung in ländlichen Regionen und diskutiert erste Lösungsansätze. Im Zentrum der Ergebnisse stehen die unmittelbaren Beziehungen im ländlichen Raum, die durch die gemeinsam geteilten Lebenswelten und stabile Interaktionsnetzwerke gekennzeichnet sind, aber auch durch die Konfrontation mit verengten Diskursräumen, Konformitätszwängen und Angriffen. Die Studie identifiziert sechs Spannungsfelder, die von politischen Bildner:innen im ländlichen Raum navigiert werden müssen. Dabei werden unter anderem die systemischen Herausforderungen der Finanzierung und bürokratischen Belastung aufgezeigt sowie die Notwendigkeit eines nachhaltigen und inklusiven Ansatzes herausgestellt, um politische Bildung effektiv gestalten zu können. Darüber hinaus werden Lösungsansätze diskutiert, die den Aufbau und die Pflege von Beziehungen und Netzwerken, langfristige Verankerung und Zusammenarbeit mit lokalen Akteur:innen, sowie die systematische Erfassung von Angriffen und deren Prävention thematisieren. Außerdem wird eine gezielte Förderung und Anerkennung der politischen Bildungsarbeit, sowie die Entwicklung bildungsimpliziter Veranstaltungen, die eng an die Lebenswelt der ländlichen Bevölkerung angelehnt sind, gefordert. Die Studie betont den Zusammenhang zwischen langfristiger Handlungs- und Finanzierungssicherheit und der Kultivierung von Vertrauen mit wichtigen lokalen Akteur:innen. Es bedarf dazu einer maßgeschneiderten, prozessorientierten Finanzierungsmechanik, die den einzigartigen Kontext ländlicher Einstellungen respektiert. Die Autor:innen plädieren für eine ganzheitliche Strategie politischer Bildungsförderung in Sachsen, die nicht nur, aber im besonderen Maße den Anforderungen verschiedener Regionen gerecht wird. Die Ergebnisse zeigen, dass politische Bildung im ländlichen Raum spezifische didaktische Ansätze erfordert, die sich von städtischen Modellen unterscheiden und die ein tiefes Verständnis der lokalen Dynamiken und Bedürfnisse voraussetzen. Die Studie betont die Notwendigkeit einer adaptiven, ressourcenbewussten und langfristig orientierten Herangehensweise, um die demokratische Teilhabe und Bildung in ländlichen Gebieten zu stärken und zu fördern.:1 Einleitung 2 Methodisches Vorgehen 3 Politische Bildung im ländlichen Raum - ein Spannungsfeld .. 3.1 ... zwischen lebensweltlichen Zugängen und Skepsis der Zielgruppen, Beziehungsbarrieren sowie Konformitätszwang 3.2 ... zwischen direktem Zugang zu Entscheidungsträger:innen und Behinderung durch kommunale Politik und Verwaltung 3.3 ... zwischen Bereitschaft zur Solidarität und rechten Strukturen sowie Angriffen auf demokratische Bildungsarbeit 3.4 ... zwischen idyllischer Natur, strukturellen Problemen und städtisch verengten Anforderungen an demokratische Bildungsarbeit 3.5 ... zwischen Mittelvielfalt und fehlender Nachhaltigkeit in der Förderung 3.6 ... zwischen gestaltbaren Freiräumen und didaktischen Unsicherheiten 4 Lösungsstrategien im Umgang mit Herausforderungen demokratischer Bildung im ländlichen Raum 4.1 Beziehungen und Netzwerke aufbauen, pflegen und nutzen 4.2 Langfristige Verankerung in den Regionen, Beziehungsaufbau zu Gatekeeper:innen und Mediationsstrukturen 4.3 Systematische Erfassung von Angriffen sowie rechtliche und strategische Beratung 4.4 Gezielte, prozessorientierte sowie nachhaltige Förderung und Anerkennung politischer Bildungsarbeit 4.5 Bildungsimplizite Veranstaltungen, lebensweltliche Entlastungsangebote und Professionalisierung 5 Diskussion und Schlussfolgerungen 6 Literatur

Abstract Currently, the issue of a growing extremist right-wing orientation in professional soldiers serving in the Army of the Czech Republic has acquired top priority. This diploma work should present a targeted proposal of changes in psycho-social tests and the whole selection system of candidates applying for the army professional status. The objective of my diploma work is thus summarised in its very name ?A Proposal of Health and Psycho-Social Criteria for the Purposes of Hiring New Professional Soldiers?. The significance or danger of right-wing extremist opinions in professional soldiers serving in the Army of the Czech Republic cannot be seen in its current massive occurrence but in the trend of the growth of such negative phenomena. Based on the experimental section of my diploma work consisting in the collection and evaluation of opinions and standpoints of experienced staff members responsible for the selection of the Ministry of Defence personnel, two hypotheses were established. H1. Current psychosocial test do not comply with the hiring reguirements related to candidates for a professional army career. H2. Health checks as a component of the hiring procedure do not include the detection of external marks or signs which would indicate right-wing extremist views. The respondents who have taken part in my research have dealt with the issue in a most responsible and reliable way. The opinions of former professional soldiers who have been dismissed from the army due to their right-wing extremist opinions and acts have also been of great significance. The conclusions of my diploma work shall be submitted as a proposal for an improved hiring procedure, predominantly as far as psycho-social tests and health examinations are concerned, with the aim of detecting potential latent right-wing extremist inclinations.

Abstract.  The purpose of this study is to investigate connections between Andrew Tate and right-wing extreme ideologies through fascist and feminist theories and how they spread in a digitalized globalization. The material is gathered from interviews and podcasts on YouTube where Andrew Tate shares his opinions. I have used theories and concepts that discuss sex, gender and heteronormativity as a social construction, as well as a theoretical framework that identifies tactics used by fascist movements to spread their ideas and increase their influence. The result of my study shows that there are distinct connections between Andrew Tate opinions and right-wing extreme ideologies. Tate uses the same tactical method as fascism to spread his message and gain followers. They also share the traditional conservative view on gender and gender roles where everything is based on masculinity and femininity in relation to one's biology. Both ideologies are based on a heteronormativity that lacks intersectional analysis and stigmatizes those who break the norm.

The new phenomena of “school attacks” has emerged in Sweden since 2015. Between 2015 and today (2022), Sweden has been a subject of four “school attacks”, whereas three of these attacks have occurred within a period of seven months. In this thesis I aim to gain an in-depth insight about how “school attacks” are represented in the Swedish national strategy against violent extremism and further, to distinguish whether “school attacks” have been securitized in the national strategy. To study this, I will apply the securitization theory by Thierry Balzacq through the methodological framework of a WPR (What’s the problem represented to be?) discourse analysis on the material consisting of the Swedish national strategy against violent extremism from 2016. The findings suggest that there appears to be an undermining of right-wing extremism and exclusion of the loneactor of extremism in the strategy’s claims regarding what is the most prominent extremism-related threat to the State of Sweden and Swedish interests. Furthermore, I was able to distinguish that “school attacks” were not securitized in the Swedish national strategy against violent extremism.

The thesis deals with the phenomenon of right-wing extremism in the Czech Republic during 2007-2010 which is viewed from the socio-constructivist perspective of the sociological concept of moral panic. The theoretical part focuses on definition of the terms right-wing extremism and moral panic with regard to their evolution and various approaches in social theory and also briefly describes the situation and significant subjects of the Czech extremist right-wing scene in the analyzed period. The analytic part presents media content of four selected aspects and cases of right-wing extremism as published in nationally released newspaper Mladá fronta DNES which is examined in depth using qualitative content analysis. The task of the analysis was to determine to what extent and by which specific ways the representation of these cases in given newspaper fulfills the aspects and processes of an ideal type of moral panic, represented by Klocke and Muschert's hybrid model of moral panics, and how the cases are put in the general framework of constructing the right-wing extremism as a prominent social problem and a moral panic.