archives@tulane.edu / Using newly discovered sources from Spanish and French archives, “Subjects of the King: Royalism and the Origins of the Haitian Revolution, 1763-1806,” re-examines the social, political, and cultural history of the Haitian Revolution. Specifically, I explore the royalist origins of the August 1791 slave revolts in the French colony of Saint Domingue that sparked the famous 1791-1804 Revolution. In addition to tracing the movements of multilingual border crossers of uncertain loyalty, I document a royalist counterrevolutionary movement that sought to destroy the republican ideals of the French Revolution and restore Louis XVI to the throne. The current scholarly consensus posits that important causal factors in igniting the revolts were French Republicanism and Enlightenment-era abolitionism. I do not refute these claims, but I contest their centrality, filling a historiographical void by pointing to royalism, a venerable phenomenon with African as well as European roots, as a counterintuitive emancipatory model. I show that Saint Dominguan revolutionaries were part of a long-entangled history on the shared island of Hispaniola within which African descendants acted as pivot points between the two colonies, often crossing the border and manipulating both French and Spanish institutions. In doing so, they fashioned a multifaceted royalist viewpoint that paradoxically depended on monarchical articulations of rights and freedoms. Ultimately, my study calls upon scholars to rethink the way in which the enslaved in Saint Domingue conceptualized freedom, challenging the assumption that royalism was a rigid historical counterpoint to Enlightenment ideals. / 1 / Jesus G. Ruiz

English composer and musician John Wilson (1595-1674) collaborated with poet Thomas Stanley in publishing Psalterium Carolinum (London, 1657). The musical settings in the collection commemorate the legacy of King Charles I who was executed for treason in January 1649. The Psalterium was part of a Royalist propaganda effort aimed at positively refashioning the dead king’s reputation. The present essay is a critical musical edition and commentary on this work. The edition is based upon microfilm copies of the 1657 edition of the Psalterium housed in the British Library in London. The edition includes an editorial policy explaining the decisions made in creating the edition, and a critical report that records particular corrections to the original in terms of pitch, rhythm and text treatment. The accompanying commentary provides a biographical sketch of John Wilson, explains his importance as performer and composer, and compares the style and scoring of the Psalterium to other contemporary genres. Most significantly, the commentary identifies the Psalterium as a collection of psalm-like pieces and connects it directly to the ongoing propaganda campaign that sought to restore Charles I’s legacy and prompt a national initiative for the restoration of the English crown.

This thesis focuses specifically on the gentry of North-East Wales. It addresses the question of the uniqueness of the region's gentry in relation to societal organisation, authority, identity, religion, and political culture. The thesis examines the impact of the events of 1640 to 1688 on the conservative culture of the region. It assesses the extent to which the seventeenth-century crises changed that culture. Additionally, it discusses the distinctiveness of the Welsh response to those events. This thesis offers new arguments, or breaks new ground, in relation to three principal areas of historiography: the questions of Welsh identity, religion, and political culture. Within Welsh historiography this thesis argues for a continuation of Welsh identity and ideals. It uncovers a royalist, loyalist, and Anglican culture that operated using ancient ideals of territorial power and patronage to achieve its ends. In doing so it overturns a lingering idea that the Welsh gentry were anglicised and alienated from the populace. The thesis also interacts with English debates on the same themes. In exploring the unique aspects of the culture of North-East Wales, the assertion of an anglicised monoculture across England and Wales can be disproven. This allows for a more complex picture of British identity, religion, and politics to emerge. This thesis musters correspondence, material objects, diaries, notebooks, accounts, official documents, and architectural features to aid in its analysis. This breadth of evidence allows for a broad analysis of regional patterns while allowing for depth when required. The first three chapters of the thesis examine the North-East Welsh gentry in relation to the themes of Welsh society and identity; religion; and finally political culture. The final chapter comprises three case studies that explore aspects of the aforementioned themes in further depth.

The principal argument of this thesis is that royalist literary publishing in the civil wars and Interregnum was a more coherent and wider movement than has been recognised. It asserts the importance of print culture to royalists, both as a vehicle for personal responses to political circumstances, and as a means to criticize and undermine the opposition. The thesis uses the publisher Humphrey Moseley as a lens through which to examine the publisher's role in the dissemination of a wide range of royalist texts. It demonstrates that publishers, as well as authors, were driven by their political and ideological opinions. The thesis begins by establishing that the royalist and Anglican convictions expressed within the texts published by Moseley corresponded with his own. This opening chapter also demonstrates the editorial control that he exerted when publishing a book. Next follow five case studies. In the second chapter I examine writings of Moseley's most prolific author, James Howell. I show that until the censorship legislation of September 1649, Howell published royalist polemical pamphlets. I argue that in response to the censorship act Howell shifted to a more subtle method of polemical writing, most notably when he embedded extracts from his polemical pamphlets in his historical allegory Dodona's Grove which Moseley published in 1650. Chapters Three to Six are genre-based case studies. These chapters analyse the ways that a variety of genres were used by royalists in support of the Stuart cause and the Anglican Church. In the final chapter I set Moseley within the context of royalist publishing more widely. I review the careers of Henry Seile and Richard Royston to demonstrate that Moseley was not the only publisher committed to the royalist cause and that his productions belonged to a broad spectrum of royalist publishing.

L’Action française fut un mouvement idéologique et intellectuel marquant de l’histoire politique et culturelle de la Troisième république. Elle défendait, au moyen d’une rhétorique nationaliste et antirépublicaine, ainsi que d’un militantisme tapageur et d’un journal quotidien, l’idée d’une restauration de la monarchie en France sur les ruines d’une démocratie qu’elle estimait viciée et délétère. Durant la Grande Guerre, elle mit cependant en veilleuse son combat royaliste et se recentra sur son patriotisme. Cette approche la mena à appuyer pendant tout le conflit les gouvernements de défense nationale issus d’une Union sacrée résolument républicaine et à se poser comme l’un des principaux remparts contre les menaces à la nation, qu’elles soient intérieures ou extérieures. À l’issue du conflit, l’Action française était ainsi devenue un acteur politique reconnu et elle avait acquis une notoriété intellectuelle inédite. Cette volte-face notable n’a néanmoins été que très peu abordée de front dans l’historiographie du mouvement. Le présent mémoire vise à y remédier par l’examen du parcours politique et de l’évolution idéologique de l’Action française à partir de l’analyse des chroniques à saveur politique publiées dans son quotidien entre 1914 et 1918, ainsi que de rapports d’enquêtes de la Sûreté générale du ministère de l’Intérieur. Cette étude dresse un portrait plutôt bigarré de ce parcours et de cette évolution. En effet, au moment où le journal et les maîtres de l’Action française attinrent une renommée singulière grâce à leur discours et leurs campagnes guidés par l’intérêt national, son militantisme fut en contrepartie pratiquement annihilé par la mobilisation militaire. De même, malgré son adhésion de principe à la trêve politique que fut l’Union sacrée, l’Action française ne délaissa pas pour autant son procès idéologique du régime républicain et la valorisation de son projet royaliste. La façon dont l’Action française a commenté et pris part à la vie politique de la Grande Guerre révèle également cette équivoque, tout en offrant un portrait singulier des grands débats de cette période. / L’Action française was a significant ideological and intellectual movement in the French Third Republic’s political and cultural history. With its nationalist and antirepublican rhetoric, its flashy political activism and its daily newspaper, it advocated the idea of the restoration of the French monarchy to replace the democratic government, which it considered deleterious. However, it put its royalist agenda on hold during the Great War and refocused on its patriotism. L’Action française backed the governments of the firmly republican Union Sacrée throughout the war and became one of the staunchest allies against the threats to the nation, whether internal or external. At the end of the war, L’Action française had become an acknowledged political actor and had acquired intellectual notoriety. Though significant, this turnaround has nonetheless received little attention in the movement’s historiography. This thesis aims to examine L’Action française’s political journey and ideological evolution based on an analysis of politically-flavored columns published in its daily newspaper between 1914 and 1918 and reports of investigations by the French Department of the Interior (Sûreté générale). This study depicts a rather colorful portrait of the movement’s path and evolution. While L’Action française’s theoreticians and newspaper acquired a great fame thanks to their views and efforts moved by national interest, its political activism was practically destroyed by the military mobilization. Moreover, despite adhering in principle to the political truce brought by the Union Sacrée, it never gave up on its ideological criticism of the republican regime and the promotion of its royalist agenda. Studying the French political scene during the Great War and the role L’Action française reveals this ambiguity while illustrating the singularity of the period’s major debates.

Nous abordons par le biais de ce journal un chapitre de la pensée réactionnaire en France après la Révolution – précisément en 1795 –, chapitre constitué par un journal favorable à la monarchie, à savoir La Quotidienne. Si le titre de notre thèse se focalise sur la Convention thermidorienne, le corpus de notre recherche comprend également le mois de décembre 1796, sous le Directoire, ce qui nous permet de mesurer l’évolution du journal entre ces deux systèmes politiques. Nous nous intéressons principalement à la littérature publiée dans La Quotidienne, sous des formes et des genres variés (poésie, dialogues, théâtre…), non sans avoir d’abord examiné le contexte de la publication : l’histoire politique de la Convention thermidorienne et la renaissance, timide et mesurée, de la liberté de la presse après le 9 Thermidor. Entre ces deux volets de notre recherche, nous proposons une description matérielle du journal (forme des articles, structuration en rubriques, souscription, etc.)Nous avons lu La Quotidienne d’un œil curieux et aussi objectif que possible ; mais surtout avec plaisir : notre intérêt pour ce journal est en effet né d’une double passion pour la littérature et pour la presse. Nous souhaitons que les lecteurs de cette recherche puissent éprouver le même intérêt pour un journal quelque peu oublié quant à sa période révolutionnaire, mais qui est un petit théâtre où se jouent en direct et de façon originale, les grands enjeux idéologiques de la période. / Our purpose throughout this research on La Quotidienne, a Parisian daily newspaper, is to deal with an aspect of reactionary thought in France at the end of the Revolution, in 1795 to be precise. Even though the title of this thesis focuses on the Thermidorian Convention, our research includes December 1796 issues, published therefore under the Directory rule. This allows us to consider the evolution of this paper between two political systems.Our thesis mostly focuses on the different genres and forms of literature published in La Quotidienne (poetry, dialogues, theatre…). It was however necessary to first consider the general context of publication: the political history of the Thermidorian Convention, as well as the timid and careful rebirth of press freedom after the 9th Thermidor. Between these two parts, we provide a material description of the newspaper (headings, articles, sections, subscription, etc.)We have read La Quotidienne with curiosity and as objectively as possible; but also with a pleasure derived from our strong attachment to literature and the press. We wish to convey some of this pleasure to our readers, when they discover this somewhat neglected newspaper – a small stage where the main ideas of the time are at play.

L’Action française fut un mouvement idéologique et intellectuel marquant de l’histoire politique et culturelle de la Troisième république. Elle défendait, au moyen d’une rhétorique nationaliste et antirépublicaine, ainsi que d’un militantisme tapageur et d’un journal quotidien, l’idée d’une restauration de la monarchie en France sur les ruines d’une démocratie qu’elle estimait viciée et délétère. Durant la Grande Guerre, elle mit cependant en veilleuse son combat royaliste et se recentra sur son patriotisme. Cette approche la mena à appuyer pendant tout le conflit les gouvernements de défense nationale issus d’une Union sacrée résolument républicaine et à se poser comme l’un des principaux remparts contre les menaces à la nation, qu’elles soient intérieures ou extérieures. À l’issue du conflit, l’Action française était ainsi devenue un acteur politique reconnu et elle avait acquis une notoriété intellectuelle inédite. Cette volte-face notable n’a néanmoins été que très peu abordée de front dans l’historiographie du mouvement. Le présent mémoire vise à y remédier par l’examen du parcours politique et de l’évolution idéologique de l’Action française à partir de l’analyse des chroniques à saveur politique publiées dans son quotidien entre 1914 et 1918, ainsi que de rapports d’enquêtes de la Sûreté générale du ministère de l’Intérieur. Cette étude dresse un portrait plutôt bigarré de ce parcours et de cette évolution. En effet, au moment où le journal et les maîtres de l’Action française attinrent une renommée singulière grâce à leur discours et leurs campagnes guidés par l’intérêt national, son militantisme fut en contrepartie pratiquement annihilé par la mobilisation militaire. De même, malgré son adhésion de principe à la trêve politique que fut l’Union sacrée, l’Action française ne délaissa pas pour autant son procès idéologique du régime républicain et la valorisation de son projet royaliste. La façon dont l’Action française a commenté et pris part à la vie politique de la Grande Guerre révèle également cette équivoque, tout en offrant un portrait singulier des grands débats de cette période. / L’Action française was a significant ideological and intellectual movement in the French Third Republic’s political and cultural history. With its nationalist and antirepublican rhetoric, its flashy political activism and its daily newspaper, it advocated the idea of the restoration of the French monarchy to replace the democratic government, which it considered deleterious. However, it put its royalist agenda on hold during the Great War and refocused on its patriotism. L’Action française backed the governments of the firmly republican Union Sacrée throughout the war and became one of the staunchest allies against the threats to the nation, whether internal or external. At the end of the war, L’Action française had become an acknowledged political actor and had acquired intellectual notoriety. Though significant, this turnaround has nonetheless received little attention in the movement’s historiography. This thesis aims to examine L’Action française’s political journey and ideological evolution based on an analysis of politically-flavored columns published in its daily newspaper between 1914 and 1918 and reports of investigations by the French Department of the Interior (Sûreté générale). This study depicts a rather colorful portrait of the movement’s path and evolution. While L’Action française’s theoreticians and newspaper acquired a great fame thanks to their views and efforts moved by national interest, its political activism was practically destroyed by the military mobilization. Moreover, despite adhering in principle to the political truce brought by the Union Sacrée, it never gave up on its ideological criticism of the republican regime and the promotion of its royalist agenda. Studying the French political scene during the Great War and the role L’Action française reveals this ambiguity while illustrating the singularity of the period’s major debates.

No description available.

The Reflection of the Exclusion Crisis (1678-1683) in Contemporary Literature Kristýna Hoblová abstract This work of literary history analyses the reflection of the Exclusion Crisis (1678-1683) in contemporary literature across genres. It is based on the theory of the rise of the public sphere by Jürgen Habermas and on the theory of Michael McKeon, understanding the ideology of the late Stuarts as a last remnant of aristocratic ideology. The Exclusion Crisis is presented here as a period of unsettling negotiations between the declining Stuart ethos and the Whig ideology of the rising mercantile classes. The interpretation of chosen texts serves to discover creative transformations of the political discourse of the newly emerging political parties of Whigs and Tories, stressing the negotiations between genres, individual authors and political ideologies. The first chapter offers a brief overview of the socio-historical context, Habermas's theory of the rise of the public sphere and Michael McKeon's conception of aristocratic ideology. It also introduces the Tory political theory defending the Stuart divine right of kings on the basis of Robert Filmer's patriarchal household-state analogy and the Whig defence against absolutist tendencies of the Stuarts through asserting the priority of Law over the Royal...