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Thesis (MMil)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the beginning of naval power, navies have been used by their states as instruments of foreign policy. In South Africa, the political transition since 1994 originated the evolution of the country’s foreign policy. Accordingly, foreign policy has implications for the South African Navy (SAN). Traditionally, navies have three main roles, namely: military, policing and diplomatic, roles. This study only focuses on the diplomatic role of the navy, termed naval diplomacy. In this regard, the SAN is the custodian of South African naval diplomacy. The purpose of this study is to investigate and theoretically appraise the nature and scope of South African naval diplomacy since 1994. The study has two objectives: firstly, it seeks to outline the most salient features of South Africa’s foreign policy, post-1994, as the framework for naval diplomacy; and secondly, it seeks to analyse and describe how the SAN has utilised naval diplomacy, namely: maritime coercion, naval cooperation, international maritime assistance, and international conflict resolution and management, in pursuit of South Africa’s foreign policy objectives. The research methodology is a qualitative descriptive analysis, using a literature study, factual data sources, and interviews, as techniques. Both primary and secondary sources are consulted. This study makes an original contribution to the gap in the literature on South African naval diplomacy. In this regard, with the procurement of the recent ships and submarines, South African naval diplomatic capabilities have improved significantly. It is for this reason that the SAN is currently instrumental in maritime coercion in the region, particularly deterrence against piracy and other maritime insecurity issues. The SAN is also immensely involved in naval cooperation. In terms of international maritime assistance, the SAN does not only assist other countries in search and rescue missions, but also empower them. It also plays a vital and evolving role in international conflict resolution and management. The, however, SAN faces several hindrances including ageing equipment and ships (such as strike craft and hydrographic survey vessel); lack of patrol vessels and sea lift capability; loss of skilled personnel; and other challenges. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Sedert die ontstaan van vlootmagte het state vlote as buitelandse beleidsinstrumente aangewend. Die politieke oorgang in Suid-Afrika in 1994 het tot ʼn evolusie in die land se buitelandse beleid aanleiding gegee, wat ook gevolge vir die Suid-Afrikaanse Vloot (SAV) ingehou het. Tradisioneel het vlote drie hooffunksies, naamlik ʼn militêre, ʼn polisiëring en ʼn diplomatieke funksie. Hierdie studie fokus slegs op die diplomatieke funksie van die vloot, waarna verwys word as vlootdiplomasie, en die SAV se rol as die ‘bewaarder’ van Suid-Afrikaanse vlootdiplomasie. Die doel van hierdie studie is om ondersoek in te stel na die aard en omvang van Suid-Afrikaanse vlootdiplomasie sedert 1994 en dit aan die hand van relevante teoretiese beginsels te beoordeel. Hieruit voortspruitend is twee doelwitte: eerstens om die wesenskenmerke van Suid-Afrika se buitelandse beleid na 1994 as raamwerk vir vlootdiplomasie te gebruik; en tweedens om die wyse waarop vlootdiplomasie ter ondersteuning van Suid-Afrikaanse buitelandse beleidsdoelwitte aangewend is, te beskryf en te ontleed met spesifieke verwysing na maritieme dwang, samewerking tussen vlootmagte, internasionale maritieme hulpverlening, en internasionale konflikresolusie. Die navorsingsmetodologie is 'n kwalitatiewe beskrywende ontleding, gegrond op 'n literatuurstudie, feitlike bronne, en onderhoude. Beide primêre en sekondêre bronne is in die proses geraadpleeg. Hierdie studie is 'n oorspronklike bydrae om die leemte in die literatuur oor die Suid-Afrikaanse vlootdiplomasie aan te spreek. Na die onlangse aanskaffing van nuwe skepe en duikbote, het die SAV se diplomatieke vermoëns aansienlik verbeter. Die gevolg is dat die SAV tans ʼn wesenlike bydrae met betrekking tot maritieme dwang in die streek speel, veral wat teen-seerowery en ander maritieme veiligheidsbedreigings betref. Die SAV is ook baie betrokke in maritieme samewerking. Wat internasionale maritieme hulp betref, het die SAV ander lande met soek en reddingsoperasies bygestaan en ook bemagtig. Die SAV lewer ook ‘n groeiende bydrae tot internasionale konflikresolusie en bestuur. Maar die SAV staar ook verskeie uitdagings in die gesig wat die volgende insluit: verouderde toerusting en skepe (soos aanvalsvaartuie en die hidrografiese opmetingskip); 'n gebrek aan patrollievaartuie en 'n see-verplasingsvermoë; verlies van opgeleide personeel, en verskeie ander uitdagings.

Approved for public release, distribution is unlimited / The Surface Combat Systems Center (SCSC), Wallops Island, Virginia is a combination of personnel, geography, airspace, and technology located on a barrier island off Virginia's Eastern Shore. First opened in 1985 as a US Navy, AEGIS Land-Based Test Site (LBTS), SCSC has grown to include the Ship Self Defense (SSD), and DD(X) combat system facilities to the site. SCSC is chartered to support computer program development, life cycle and in-service engineering, team training, and research, development, test, and evaluation services while adapting to evolution of US Naval combatants and emerging requirements. The purpose of this document is to present an analysis of existing US Navy shipboard and land-based organization business practices and apply them to the existing SCSC command organization. The objective is to combine US Navy transformation concepts and SCSC planning concepts to provide the documentation needed to support the development of new strategic business plans for the command. The goal is to provide a long-term strategy to transform SCSC into the US Navy's East Coast Weapons Range Facility or otherwise named, the Wallops Island Test and Evaluation Range Facility (WITERF), while maintaining its synergy as a LBTS for research, development, testing and evaluation of naval combat systems. / Civilian, United States Navy

Space technologies and the tools of space warfare are proliferating across Earth. The use of spacepower in conflict necessitates strategic thinking. Strategic theory can guide and improve strategic thought about outer space. Drawing on strategic theory, this thesis develops a spacepower theory in the next step of a collective theory-making effort about warfare in the Space Age. This spacepower theory is based on seven distinct, complementary, and interacting propositions that aim to shift the debate of spacepower away from space weaponisation and the Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA), and towards a more holistic view of the vast possibilities granted by spacepower. This spacepower theory proposes that space warfare only has meaning in so far it works towards the command of space; that the command of space is about manipulating celestial lines of communication; that spacepower in Earth orbit is a place to conduct strategic manoeuvres to influence the wider war and grand strategic goals; and that the command of space can have direct meaning for battlefield success through its dispersing effects. The theory is based on three major strategic analogies from terrestrial strategic theory and experience. First, space warfare is a continuation of terrestrial politics. Second, space is like the sea in its most basic concepts. Third, Earth orbit is like a coastal region. The contributions of this work are a theory that assists the individual’s education on warfare in the Space Age that takes emphasis away from space-based weaponry and the RMA, and a treatise that demonstrates and encourages a pedagogical method of analysis in strategic studies. This has tentative implications for wider discussions of astropolitics in International Relations (IR) as well. IR will continue in its usefulness in the cosmos, while Terran IR today must account for the realities of the Space Age.

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近十年來，中共海軍力量的發展如同其經濟成長情形一樣快速起飛，很自然成為西方矚目焦點，特別是建立遠洋艦隊的企圖，更引起外界高度關注。依中共海軍規劃，希望在2050年具備並達到遂行遠洋作戰的能力和目標。 冷戰結束後，中共被視為崛起的新興區域強權。「中國威脅論」也一度甚囂塵上。雖然中共極力反駁，但是一個經濟高度發展、致力於富國強兵的中共，不可避免的為亞太地區的安全帶來極大的陰影。中共對於亞太地區的影響力，除了經濟因素外，終究還是以軍事力量最為明顯，使得對中共軍事力量備感壓力的亞太各國，對中共以國防現代化來突顯國力，更加的敏感。在經濟建設成果日盛的情況下，中共為擴大其沿海地區經濟的發展，及符合大國身份所推動國防現代化，都將影響亞太地區的安全。 隨著綜合國力的提升，中共以更具實力與自信處理有關核心利益的爭端。面對中共政治、經濟、軍事的全面崛起，身為全球霸權的美國謀求確保東亞區域秩序的穩定。但儘管美國在2009年7月宣布重返亞洲，中共和鄰國在領土主權問題上依舊衝突不斷。 中共之擴張已使東亞國家充滿不安全感，亞太國家仍陷入一場軍備競賽之中，並進一步鼓勵同盟體之出現及刺激日本加強軍備以求自保。不管亞太地區是進入軍備競賽之權力平衡體系，或是其他國家聯合對抗中共之態勢，對亞太地區建構中之多邊安全體系都是一種打擊。 / In the past decade, the development of PRC’s navy power has grown as fast as its economical trowth. Naturally, such rapid growth attracts the attention of western countries. PRC’s attempt to build a far sea fleet is especially highly concerned by international community. According to PRC’s own plan, it hopes to achieve the previous goals in 2050. After cold war, China has been determined a newly-rising-power country, and has started trying to conquer all the power left in the Asia Pacific area after the seperation of USSR, and along with their motivation, the rumar of the “China Threaten Theory” has once spreaded out in the world. Thought China has rejected this kind of rumar, but it is still a well-known economic and army developed country and unavoidably, affects the Pan Asia area. Generaly, economics of China is the influence to the Pan Asia area, but actually, the quick army-building is the main effect; as a matter of fact, this influence (modernized China military) has become a big pressure to Pan Asia countries. In order to follow the quick progression of economics in China, it is also trying to build the coastal area and modernize its national defense. This motivation will badly affect the safty of Pan Asia countries. As China’s comprehensive national power rises with its rapid economic growth, it becomes more capable of protecting its core interests. As a global hegemon, the U.S. strives to wecure regional stability in East Asia. Although the U.S. proposed “the U.S. Retrun to Asia” strategy in July 2009, confrontation in the South China Sea between China and other claimants still continues. This thesis discusses the impact of the U.S. return to Asia on China’s South China Sea policy. East Asia counties are new feel not safe at all due to China’s military development,and the Pan Asia countries are still playing in a game of purchasing military equipments, and moreover, China even tell Janpan to purchase more gears for their own good. It doesn’t matter what kind of system that Pan Asia countries are in , either the military competition, or united with other countries to fight China, it all will become an impact to the vivid safty system that Pan Asia countries have built.

U.S. naval expansion is considered to be inevitable. When it is discussed at all, especially in recent scholarly works, it merits at most a few paragraphs briefly mentioning that in the late nineteenth century the United States constructed a modern navy. It is portrayed as if U.S. leaders mostly favored greatly expanding the nation’s naval power and that little to no serious opposition existed among government leaders. Naval expansion, however, fundamentally altered U.S. foreign policy. It represented one of the most significant shifts in the Gilded Age, an era often thought of as a forgettable period in U.S. politics with no major political events taking place. If anything, naval expansion should be the single most discussed political decision to come out of this period and President Benjamin Harrison should be remembered for his role in this development. After all, there are few presidential actions from this period that continue to greatly affect U.S. policy today, and Harrison and his fellow naval expansionists deserve more than a footnote in history.

This dissertation aims to discover the hidden pattern and rationales behind China's South China Sea policies over the last one hundred years from the perspective of Chinese strategic culture. A historical-cultural approach is a powerful tool in uncovering deeper understandings of the Chinese way of policy making and strategy on issues such as the South China Sea. The key research questions include: first, is there any historical legitimacy in China's sovereignty claim over the South China Sea islands? Second, do Beijing's South China Sea policies in various periods have any regularity or pattern, and how did they serve China's grand strategies at the time? By utilizing extensive Chinese and English primary sources and other sources, this study conducts a comprehensive and in-depth analysis of the South China Sea issue from the framework of Chinese strategic culture.

Seaweed has been hit hard by climate change around the world. The island of Zanzibar, which is the world’s third biggest exporter of seaweed, is one of the places where seaweed is affected. 80 percent of the seaweed farmers on Zanzibar are women who are directly affected by climate change since they are making a living from seaweed farming. New efforts to tackle the impact of climate change on seaweed has been made on Zanzibar through the SEA PoWer project which is a new technique of growing seaweed and enables twenty-four female seaweed farmers to grow in deep and cooler waters instead of the more traditional way which is in shallow waters. The aim of this study is to, from a livelihood perspective, examine women’s experiences and perceptions of the old versus the new techniques of farming seaweed on Zanzibar, Tanzania.  The research questions for this study focus on finding out the women’s experiences and perceptions of the changes in the techniques in relation to opportunities for livelihoods through seaweed farming. Furthermore, this study investigates if women experience conflicts of interest with men regarding the use of ocean space. Semi-structured interviews with eleven women who have used the new technique of growing seaweed were conducted and the results was analyzed in the light of previous research, through the definitions of livelihood and gender, and the theoretical concept of feminist political ecology. The result has shown that all women experienced improvements in their livelihoods through the new technique of seaweed farming. One clear improvement was that there were no negative health effects when using the new technique. The study also found that there are no conflicts of interest between men and women regarding the use of ocean space when using the new technique of seaweed farming. The women had a positive view on the future and had high expectations, they had already noticed positive effects on their livelihoods in form of social, human, physical capital and health.

This thesis describes methods of high frequency noise and vibrations computation of cabin part of EV–55M (aircraft developed by Evektor Kunovice). There is a brief summary of methods used for determining high frequency noise and vibrations in the first part of the thesis. Detailed explanation is given for Statistical Energy Analysis (SEA) which is nowadays the most dominant method in this area. The energy balance equation is derived in this chapter and SEA parameters such as modal density, damping loss factor, coupling loss factor and power input are introduced here. Next part deals with main noise sources of propeller driven and jet aircraft and passive and active noise controls are discussed. Practical part of this thesis deals with modeling aircraft EV–55M fuselage using VA One SEA module. Two models were created. First of them is only an outside fuselage with aircraft flooring and the second one is extended by interior trim panels and is applicable for simulation of noise control treatments. Computational modeling is accompanied by experimental measurement of passive noise control material characteristics. Postprocessing of information obtained from impedance tube measurement was performed in FOAM – X. Determined characteristics of porous material were used as inputs to VA One and reduction of sound pressure level in fuselage cavities by using noise control treatment was found. In conclusion there is a summary of noise transmission paths from sources to interior cavity and some treatments of them are simulated