Rico strata are recognised throughout the Four Corners region of southwestern Colorado, southeastern Utah, northeastern Arizona, and northwestern New Mexico. The term Rico has been applied to a group of strata which exhibit a lateral and vertical transition between two contrasting environments, the marine Hermosa and the non-marine Cutler. Two faunal provinces reflect these widely diverse conditions of sedimentation. However, few fossils of diagnostic value have been discovered despite the abundance of fossiliferous strata within the Rico. Rico strata are believed to range between Desmoinesian and Virgilian in age. Lithofacies data on the Rico were assembled from literature, outcrop sections, and various well logs. These data were then compiled on an isopach-lithofacies map. The isopach-lithofacies map shows the thickness trends and the lithologic variations of Rico strata throughout the region of study. The tectonic framework of the region is reconstructed from the isopach-lithofacies map and mechanical analyses of the elastic strata. Clastic material in the Rico increases in average grain size from west to east toward the Uncomphagre Uplift suggest that this area was actively positive during Rico time. The vertical variation of normal marine limestone and clastic red beds in the Rico reflect an alternately transgressing and regressing sea over much of the Four Corners region. This intricate intertonguing of normal marine limestone and clastic red beds probably resulted from deposition in a shallow basin on an unstable shelf. The occurrence of oil, gas, and cement quality limestone in the Rico is examined from an economic aspect. A. brief review of the general geology and geologic history of tile region is also included.

No description available.

Beginning in the tenth century, Chaco Canyon emerged as an important center whose influence shaped subsequent cultural developments throughout the Four Corners area of the American Southwest. Archaeologists investigating the prehistory of Chaco Canyon have long been impressed by its massive architecture, evidence of widespread trading activities, and ancient roadways that extended across the region. Research on Chaco Canyon today is focused on what the remains indicate about the social, political, and ideological organization of the Chacoan people. Communities with great houses located some distance away are of particular interest, because determining how and why peripheral areas became associated with the central canyon provides insight into the evolution of the Chacoan tradition. This volume brings together twelve chapters by archaeologists who suggest that the relationship between Chaco Canyon and outlying communities was not only complex but highly variable. Their new research reveals that the most distant groups may have simply appropriated Chacoan symbolism for influencing local social and political relationships, whereas many of the nearest communities appear to have interacted closely with the central canyon--perhaps even living there on a seasonal basis. The multifaceted approach taken by these authors provides different and refreshing perspectives on Chaco. Their contributions offer new insight into what a Chacoan community is and shed light on the nature of interactions among prehistoric communities. "The multifaceted approach . . . provides different and sometimes refreshing perspectives on Chaco. Their contributions offer new insight into what a Chacoan community is, and they shed new light on the nature of interactions among prehistoric communities." —Traditional Dwellings & Settlements Review

The Kukkal basin, Tamil Nadu, India, receives most of its rain from the southwest monsoon (SWM). A sediment core from Kukkal Lake preserves a continuous sediment record from the early-Holocene to present (9000 yr BP to present). The present lake is situated at an elevation of similar to 1887m a.s.l., in a small basin that appears to have alternated between a and wetland depositional environment. Climate proxies, including sediment texture, total organic carbon (TOC), total nitrogen (TN), C/N, pollen and geochemical composition indicate a steady progression to wetter conditions, with two stepwise changes at about 8000, and between 3200 and 1800 yr BP. The change at 8000 yr BP appears to correspond to a brief (100-150years) dry spell recorded elsewhere in India. The change at 3200-1800 yr BP consisted in a rapid intensification of the SWM, and may correlate with the initiation of the Roman Warm Period'. There is no clear evidence of changes at the times of the Medieval Warm Period' (MWP') and the Little Ice Age' (LIA'). The C/N ratio of the sediments ranges from 14.02 to 8.31, indicating that the organic matter originated from a mixture of lacustrine algae, vascular and terrestrial plants. Chemical weathering indices (Chemical Index of Alteration (CIA), Chemical Index of Weathering (CIW), and Plagioclase Index of Alteration (PIA)) are consistent with extreme silicate weathering. Pollen data show a development from savanna vegetation prior to about 8000 yr BP, followed by grassland with palms, the appearance of ferns just prior to 3200 yr BP and the establishment of the tropical humid forest between 3200 and about 1800 yr BP.

These stories, essays, and beginnings of a novel draft examine the complex, many-faceted nature of legacy; propelled by the question of how we become who we eventually become, these works seek to showcase how where we come from, and who we come from, shape us as individuals. From a variety of perspectives, my characters try to discover how they can create their own safe spaces, their own lives, while still maintaining some genuine connection to their familial roots--they try to strike a balance between how to forget, and how to remember. The prose here focuses largely on the women in the places, and from these families; how does a society that favors maleness shape a female's view of her ideas and her intellect, of her body and her control over it? The characters seek answers to these questions largely in the impoverished southwest, where the characters are always trying to do the right thing, but hardly ever in the right ways.

Master of Arts / Department of History / David A. Graff / On December 7, 1941 the Japanese Empire launched a surprise attack on the United States at the Pearl Harbor naval base in the territory of Hawaii. The following day President Franklin D. Roosevelt declared war on Japan, and America was suddenly an active participant in a global war that had already been underway for over five years. World War II pitted the Axis (Japan, Germany, and Italy) against a coalition of allied nations that were united primarily by fear of Axis totalitarianism. Typically referred to as the Allies, the alliance’s most powerful participants included the United States, the Soviet Union, and Great Britain. However, many other nations were involved on the Allied side. Smaller European countries such as Holland, Belgium, and Poland fought with armed forces and governments in exile located in London after their homelands had been overrun by the Germans in 1939 and 1940. China had been at war with Japan since 1937. After the United States entered the war, allied action resulted in the creation of different, localized military coalitions between 1941 and 1945. These coalitions presented Allied leaders with unique problems created by the political, geographic, military and logistical issues of fighting war on a global scale. The earliest coalition in which the United States was involved was known by the acronym ABDACOM, short for the American, British, Dutch, Australian Command. ABDACOM’s mission was the defense of the Malay Barrier, which stretched from the Malay Peninsula through the Dutch East Indies to New Guinea, and the protection of the Southwest Pacific Area from Japanese invasion. In its brief two-month existence the ADBA coalition in the Southwest Pacific Area failed to prevent the Japanese from taking the Malay Barrier, Singapore, Burma and the islands between Java and the Philippines. This was due not to one overriding problem, but to a combination of planning, command, and logistical problems, compounded by the distance of Allied production and training centers from the front lines. These problems can be traced from the late 1930s to the dissolution of ABDACOM at the end of February 1942. Historians have often overlooked the underlying causes of the United States’ first foray into coalition warfare in World War II. To better understand why the Allied forces succumbed to the Japanese onslaught so quickly, one must look at political, military and economic relations between the United States and its allies prior to the onset of hostilities in 1941. Domestic political realities combined with international diplomatic differences kept the United States from openly preparing for coalition action until the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. The ensuing military coalition suffered from numerous deficiencies in command structure and logistics. Though pre-war planning existed within each of the Allied governments, the lack of cooperative action gave the Japanese military an insurmountable military advantage over the members of the ABDA coalition. Given the limited scope of this paper the focus will be on American participation in ABDACOM. The other countries involved will be included insomuch as they help to fill out the story of the United States and its first coalition effort in World War II. The story of the ABDACOM coalition is one of perseverance, creative planning, and deep stoicism in the face of overwhelming odds. The short life of the coalition gave planners in Washington, D.C. and London time to sort out potential conflicts between the Allies.

Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-21T20:31:46Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leandro Turmena.pdf: 3123947 bytes, checksum: 4dc3bc5e750ec1ad33a708df503b829d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-07-31 / of Paraná in the period of 1967 to 2009. The political and economical determinants of the process of expansion of higher education in this region are analyzed, considering the social organization of work (capitalist relationships of production) and the function of the State in the formation of educational politics. The cutting of the object indicates the origin of the first IES (the decade of 1960) and the proliferation of new courses stemming from the 9394/96 Law of the region. Therefore, the survey is epistemologically set in the method of dialectic historic materialism, more specifically in the categories of totality, of contradiction and of mediation. There first was made a contextualization of the Southwest region of Paraná: historical, geographical, political, economical and higher education data (origin and expansion). Next, it moved in the direction of historical development of higher education in Brazil and in the State of Paraná and the function that the State took on in the historical periods determined. Finally, the relationships between the social organization of work, the State reform and the higher education in the decade of 1990 was analyzed. What showed up from the analyses done was that the expansion of higher education in Southwest Paranà starting from the decade, 1990, is articulated dialectically with the form of capitalistic production. The State takes on the administration and the financing of the demands of the society legislating the form of financing of the openings in the private institutions. Thus, contradictorily there was an offer, even though reduced, of public higher education. The survey also showed that the higher education that expands in the logic of the market is the result of the “market of knowledge”, applied to the formation of complex work in order to attend the logic of he “knowledge for the market” under the ideological discourse of development and of employment, which has attracted middle class educational services, though actually having a crisis in this sector. The survey was explicit that the logics of the capital indicate a “development” of the productive forces based on the formation of higher education for the work market and that there is not the development of the survey and the production of knowledge as its main orientation, at least in the investigated region. Above all, it seeks to capacitate workers for the work market and reserves manual labor for minimal qualification. In theory, the formation in higher education, which was actually investigated, has little to contribute for the formation of critical and capable citizens to carry out the political control of the State middle class. / Esta pesquisa investiga a expansão do ensino superior no Sudoeste do Estado do Paraná no período de 1967 a 2009. Analisou-se os determinantes políticos e econômicos do processo de expansão do ensino superior nesta região, considerando a organização social do trabalho (relações capitalistas de produção) e a função do Estado na formulação das políticas educacionais. O recorte do objeto indica a origem da primeira IES (década de 1960) e a proliferação de novos cursos a partir da Lei 9394/96 na região. Para tanto, a pesquisa está assentada epistemologicamente no método do materialismo histórico dialético, mais especificamente nas categorias da totalidade, da contradição e da mediação. Primeiramente foi feita a contextualização da região Sudoeste do Paraná: dados históricos, geográficos, políticos, econômicos e o ensino superior (origem e expansão). Em seguida apontou-se o desenvolvimento histórico do ensino superior no Brasil e no Estado do Paraná e a função que o Estado assumiu nos determinados períodos históricos. Por fim analisou-se as relações entre a organização social do trabalho, a reforma do Estado e o ensino superior na década de 1990. A partir das análises feitas constatou-se que a expansão do ensino superior no Sudoeste do Paraná a partir da década de 1990 se articula dialeticamente com o modo de produção capitalista. O Estado assume a gestão e o financiamento das demandas da sociedade, legislando de modo a financiar as vagas das instituições privadas. Assim, contraditoriamente houve a oferta, mesmo que reduzida, de ensino superior público. A pesquisa evidenciou também que o ensino superior que se expande na lógica do mercado é fruto do “mercado do conhecimento”, aplicado à formação do trabalho complexo para atender a lógica do “conhecimento para o mercado” sob o discurso ideológico do desenvolvimento e da empregabilidade, o que tem atraído a burguesia de serviços educacionais, embora atualmente haja crise no setor. A pesquisa explicitou que as lógicas do capital indicam um “desenvolvimento” das forças produtivas com base na formação em nível superior para o mercado de trabalho, e que não tem como princípio norteador o desenvolvimento da pesquisa e a produção de conhecimento, pelo menos na região investigada. Acima de tudo busca capacitar trabalhadores para o mercado de trabalho e para a reserva de mão de obra com qualificação mínima. Em tese, a formação em nível superior, na realidade investigada, tem pouco a contribuir para a formação de cidadãos críticos e capazes de exercer o controle político do Estado burguês.

Thesis (M.A.)--Southwest Texas State University, 1944. / Various newspaper articles, photographs, and other memorabilia related to Riverside mounted throughout.

Pre-existing structural elements can have substantial effects on fracture and fault development in younger strata, especially in areas that undergo significant changes in tectonic setting due to reactivation along older structures. This may affect reservoir permeability, yet remain difficult to detect in subsurface data. The focus of this study centers on two styles of pre-existing structures—Paleozoic thrust belts and Late Triassic rift faults in the Devils River Uplift and Maverick Basin, respectively—which affect the development of faults and fractures in Cretaceous strata. Fault and fracture data were characterized in both the outcrop and within a 3D seismic volume. Furthermore, the role of mechanical stratigraphy on fault and fracture style in both localities was examined. The Pecos River Canyon overlies the Paleozoic Ouachita fold-thrust belt with associated EW and SE-NW trending structures. At the surface, faults are expressed in two predominant orientations (N38E and N70E), which may be predictable angles if the pre-existing structures are reactivated by left lateral oblique slip. Detailed investigation of the fracture development related to these faults was conducted in a dry side canyon along the Pecos River. Mechanical layers were identified and mapped in outcrop to highlight fracture intensity variations between the different layers. The porosity and/or the degree of dolomitization are identified as controls on fracture development, with the lowest strength layer and least fractured being highly dolomitized with the largest porosity of any observed layer in outcrop. Southeast of Lewis Canyon, a 3D seismic of the Maverick Basin reveals linear discontinuities, interpreted as low-offset faults, within the Cretaceous Glen Rose through Austin Chalk that appear similar to those observed in outcrop along the Lower Pecos River. These faults are shown to have an increase in intensity within strata above older Late Triassic-age rift faults. It is proposed that the small faults form during reactivation of the rift faults and exhibit differential degrees of intensity and vertical terminations against six identified mechanical boundaries observed within the 3D seismic volume. / text

This dissertation challenges traditional interpretations that indigenous groups who settled the Grand Canyon during the Pueblo Period (AD 700 -1225) relied heavily on maize to meet their subsistence needs. Instead they are viewed as dynamic ecosystem engineers who employed fire and natural plant succession to engage in a wild plant subsistence strategy that was supplemented to varying degrees by maize. By examining the relationship between archaeological sites and the natural environment throughout the Canyon, new settlement pattern models were developed. These models attempt to account for the spatial distribution of Virgin people, as represented by Virgin Gray Ware ceramics, Kayenta as represented by Tusayan Gray Ware ceramics, and the Cohonina as represented by San Francisco Mountain Gray Ware ceramics, through an examination of the relationships of sites to various aspects of the natural environment (biotic communities, soils, physical geography, and hydrology). Inferences constructed from the results of geographic information system analyses of the Park’s legacy site data, indicate that Virgin groups were the first to arrive at the Canyon, around AD 700 and leaving around AD 1200. They practiced a split subsistence strategy, which included seasonal movements between maize agricultural areas in the western Inner Canyon and wild resource production areas in the pinyon-juniper forests on the western North Rim plateaus. The Kayenta occupied the North Rim, South Rim and Inner Canyon, throughout the entire Pueblo Period. Their subsistence system relied heavily on wild resource production on both rims supplemented by low-level maize agriculture practiced seasonally on the wide deltas in the eastern Inner Canyon. The Cohonina were the last to arrive and the first to leave, as they occupied the Canyon for about 300 years from AD 800–1100. They were the most prolific maize farmers, practicing it in the Inner Canyon near the mouth of Havasu Creek, but still seasonally exploiting wild resource on the western South Rim. Based on my interpretations, use of the Canyon from AD 700-1225, is viewed as a dynamic interplay between indigenous groups and their environment. As they settled into the Canyon and managed the diverse ecology to meet their subsistence needs.